Financial exploitation of children worldwide is a global problem, causing consequences for both the national economy and labor market, as well as the working child who is deprived of its rights of education and normal development. Pakistan has several national laws in order to work against and to regulate the existence of child labour. Another important mechanism to fight the financial exploitation of the children is the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. This Convention was ratified by Pakistan in 1990. As a result, new national laws have been admitted, already existing laws have been amended, educational projects have been established and the common knowledge on the problems regarding the subject have attracted a lot of attention.

The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations.

This document presents calculations of adjusted GDP based on satellite household accounts for the year 2001 with the purpose to compare adjusted and official GDP for Sweden, Germany, Estonia and Finland. Household production in each country is estimated using time use survey data from Eurostat and a monetary value is estimated using average wage (after taxes) for each country. The results indicate that the value of household production using this methodology increases GDP with between 42% (Finland) and 55% (Germany) compared to official GDP statistics. A comparison of GDP/capita between the countries included in the study shows that the GDP/capita in Germany increases more that the other countries due to the relatively high proportion of time used for household production (mainly German women) combined with a high average wage. In fact, the results show that Germany has higher adjusted GDP/capita than both Finland and Sweden (but Germany has lower GDP per capita when official statistics is used for the comparison).

Title: Migration and Labor Market Integration ? the German Reunification Since the German reunification former East Germany has been struggling with rising unemployment numbers and extensive emigration. The East German Länder are still well behind the West German and even though Germany unquestionably is united politically the old border divides the economy ? and the labor market ? in two. This thesis aims to describe the reunification process of the East German and the West German labor markets, and in particular the role of migration in this process.

The purpose of this study is to find, understand and discuss the experiences of former employees at SAAB, and present how this can be understood according to my core theoretical concepts, which are participation and identity. The questions asked in the study are based on how the labor is described, characterized and what comes forth as valuable, which is compared to absence of labor work.First, labor is described in an historical and social context, and at the same time related to the core theoretical concept. Second, the methodology chapter is presented, which mainly consists of 11 observations and 10 interviews. Third, the chapter regarding former theory leads to an analysis model, which is used on the empirical material of the study.The result shows that labor work at SAAB primarily is described as important for socializing, security and the possibility to be independent. The tasks at SAAB are described as backbreaking and monotonous, while the lack of labor work influences the physical and mental wellbeing.

I denna uppsats undersöker vi huruvida invandrare diskrimineras på den svenska arbetsmarknaden. Vi undersöker även om förhållandet skiljer sig när vi endast tittar på gruppen kvinnor, och gör en jämförelse mellan svenskfödda kvinnor och invandrarkvinnor. Vi använder oss av två modeller för att estimera löneskillnader, dummyvariabel modellen och Blinder-Oaxaca modellen. Våra resultat ger tydliga indikationer på lönediskriminering gentemot invandrare, kvinnor och en ännu tydligare lönediskriminering gentemot invandrarkvinnor. Vi anser att invandrarkvinnor drabbas av en så kallad dubbel diskriminering, där den övriga populationen i genomsnitt ges 28,4% högre lön än invandrarkvinnor..

According to several studies immigrants today in general face more difficulties to enter the labor market than before. This also applies to educated immigrants who are the main focus of this thesis.Studies have shown that educated migrants have more difficulties of obtaining an adequate job than ethnic Swedes. Thousands of educated immigrants are forced to work in low skilled occupations to cope with their everyday lives. The reasons behind their lack of success on the Swedish labor market have been blamed on different kinds of obstacles.     This study wants to examine at least some of the obstacles that educated immigrants face on the labor market through some informants own personal reflections and experiences. The study is based on an inside perspective in which the different personal experiences and reflections of the various informants is of great importance.  The study is focused on how five educated immigrants describe their situation on the Swedish labor market. The aim is to investigate the informants 'understanding of the difficulties they have to get a job that matches their skills. It also aims to discuss the structural barriers that respondents relate to when they describe their situation.    The results of the interviews with the informants have been analyzed with the help of central concepts gained from the two sociologists, Erving Goffman and Pierre Bourdieu.

The topic of interest is why Swedish unemployment after OPEC - 1 remained exceptionally low, compared to the OECD average. The object of study is the evolution of welfare institutions, like the Rehn ? Meidner model, after WWII, and the aim is to explore why the institution of solidaristic wage bargaining collapsed coming the nineties. Deployed theoretical perspectives are how domestic institutions determine a country's adaptation to alterations of the international economic system. However, equally important are how policy objectives, like full employment, becomes institutionalized and therefore guides the actions undertaken.

This study reflects on the swedish model and the models future. The swedish modelmeans that legisilation acts with the collective agreements . The wage issue is notregulated by law instead it is managed by the social partners in the form of collectiveagreements. In 2008, a report was presented by the Commission on a joint regulation ofthe minimum wage for all EU countries. The issue has become increasinglycontroversial and was especially disccused for the election of candidates to theEuropean Parlament last spring.

The following is an examination of work and gender and how they interlocked in a Swedishbrewery between 1923 and 1939. Leaning on labor process theory and Marxist feminist theory,this paper examines what constituted women?s work in the brewery industry in this era, how women?s work changed with rationalization and economic recess, and how the all-femaleunion locale reacted to these changes. The events portrayed are related to earlier research ongender on the labor process, to the history of the Swedish labor movement in large, and to theevolution of the so-called ?Swedish model? with its relatively low level of conflicts on thelabor market.

Föreliggande uppsats behandlar lönesättning på den svenska arbetsmarknaden. Lönesättningen i Sverige är inte i vidare utsträckning reglerad i lag. Grunden för lönesättningen är att det råder avtalsfrihet och att det är upp till arbetsmarknadens parter att genom kollektivavtal reglera området. Kollektivavtalen innehåller olika typer av reglering avseende arbetsgivarens lönesättning, exempelvis anges ofta minimilöner samt utrymme för lönehöjningar vid lönerevision. Avtalen innehåller dessutom oftast lönesättningsprinciper för hur löneutrymmet ska fördelas mellan enskilda arbetstagare.

The term ?social competence? is widely used by organizations in job advertisements, despite the problems of making a unified definition of it. The purpose of this study is to investigate which features the organizations require, why organizations require them and how the assessment is implemented for recruitment. To answer the purpose of this study, eight qualitative interviews conducted with recruiters from four different staffing agencies. Further a literature study was performed to define the concept of ?social competence? and its meaning, in order to later connect this to the result.

This essay illustrates the rules and procedures when it comes to inclusive labor markets. In Sweden we have a labor market program called entry-level jobs, which makes it easier for immigrants to get work since our public employment agency pay remuneration to the employers.In this essay I am answering the following questions:How does the work of our public employment agency and trade union looks like before, during and after an employee has gotten a subsidized employment called entry-level job, and in which way can this work be improved if necessary?How extensive do entry-level jobs contribute to increased integration and establishment on the labor market for newly arrived immigrants?How does the Swedish measure on entry-level jobs approach within the scope of European regulations about measures for inclusive labor market?To find answers to my questions I have used social science methodology and juridical method. I have performed document studies and interviews with concerned parts.The conclusion of above subordinated questions is that we need to extend the Swedish laws covering entry-level jobs so that the concerned parts know which assignments they will be responsible for when problems emerge on a workplace.When it comes to if entry-level jobs contribute to increase integration and establishment on the labor market it seems to be more important to integrate the immigrants quickly, and with which quality it is made does not seems to matter. The public employment agency has to emphasize the importance of Swedish language so that the employees can be independent from authorities in the future.

This study has an integration policy direction as it focuses on the qualification for the new arrivals to quickly establish themselves in the labor market, and how the government's interventions, which in this case is the establishment reform, have affected municipalities and what its role is in this context. The purpose of the establishment reform is to faster the new arrivals integration in to the labor market. The aim of this study is to analyze the interaction factors that is affecting the integration of new arrivals into the labor market by study the professionals opinions on the interplay between involved organizations in two municipalities before and after the establishment reform. Studies have shown that the establishment reform has not achieved its goal and the purpose is to analyze the aspects behind this problem. The results of the study were analyzed with help of the interaction theory and the new institutional theory which is a part of the organization theory. An important aspect in the results of our study is the deficiency with the interaction between the participating organizations that obstruct the new arrivals path to becoming self-contained. In order to identify the problem, the study focuses on the co-operation among two communities in Sweden with the new arrivals way into the labor market.

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity..