Those who have invested in apartments, i.e. tenant-ownership, within the city centre of Stockholm have gained a higher than expected return on investment due to a buoyant real estate market. During the latest twelve-month period, the prices have risen more than 20 per cent in the city of Stockholm, resulting in an increased wealth together with a higher debt burden among investors. The aim of this thesis is to investigate which factors determine the prices from a micro perspective, and to what extent. An attempt is particularly made to estimate the degree of capitalization of the monthly fees; a factor which has turned out to be important according to other studies; but also to construct pricing models in order to set target prices for apartments.

On Nasdaq OMX Nordic Stockholm there has been a large increase in issues of preferred stocks since the financial crisis 2008. Aiming to explain whether preferred stocks have most of their characteristics relating to debt or equity, we answer four sub questions. Do all preferred stocks share the same features, or do they differ from each other? Our population is similar in characteristics, except for the preferred stock of Swedbank which is convertible and deviates when it comes to participation in dividends - instead of convertible the others are limited and redeemable. Further, the second sub question treats preferred stock in relation to the common stock quantitatively, in market data.

University of VäxjöSchool of Social SciencesBachelor Thesis in Political ScienceTitle: ?Sverigedemokraternas valframgångar 2006 ? En ulv i fårakläder??Author: Emma Haraldsson and Åsa NeuschützTutor: Emil UddhammarThe aim of this study is to explain Sverigedemokraterna?s electoral success in 2006 and the essay assumes that some form of change has occurred. To study this change two hypotheses have been constructed. The first hypothesis concerns the change within Sverigedemokraterna and the second hypothesis concerns the change of the Swedish voters attitudes.Kirchheimers catch-all theory is used to explain the change in Sverigedemokraterna. The catch-all theory states that parties have to change their structure to maximise the number of votes.

AbstractTitle: Similar but different ? Sweden Democrats and Swedish Social Democratic Party in Swedish newspapers online during 2010 (Lika men olika ? Sverigedemokraterna och Socialdemokraterna i svensk rikspress på nätet 2010).Number of pages: 35 (40 including enclosures)Author: Magnus MjöhagenTutor: Amelie HössjerCourse: Media and Communication studies CPeriod: Autumn 2010University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information and Media, Uppsala UniversityPurpose/aim: To discover any possible difference between the media report concerning The Sweden Democrats and the Swedish Social Democratic Party in Swedish news press.Material/method: A quantitative content analysis has been made with 64 articles from the homepages of the four biggest news papers in Sweden: Aftonbladet.se, Expressen.se, DN.se (Dagens Nyheter) and SvD.se (Svenska Dagbladet). The analysis focused on four themes: 1) framing in the articles, 2) impersonation in the articles, 3) the democratic task of journalism and 4) the expectations of journalism in an election campaign.Main results: The main results showed that the difference between the two parties either was nonexistent or very small. The articles were sometimes framed in specific ways, but a big amount of the articles were not framed. Impersonation occurred in about half of the cases, concerning both parties.

Which general outlines are preferable in the relation between organizations and government? From normative theory and method I throw light upon this question by defining and comparing two different democratic standpoints. The substantial democratic standpoint focuses on political effectiveness and the procedural democratic standpoint focuses on equal representation. The normative discussion aims at comparing how well the different standpoints function in political praxis. Since the ambition is to discuss concrete praxis I have also chosen to analyse an extensive case of interest influence in Swedish politics empirically.

The study aims to show how the publicity surrounding the Sweden Democrats have been during November in 2012 when polls for the party rose. The method that has been used is quantitative content analysis and a total of 215 articles from tabloids Expressen and Aftonbladet are encoded. The period of the encoded material has been in November 2012 and the variables have been designed to answer how much publicity Sweden Democrats have received during that period, any topic that the articles touched on, the actors that have been cited, if players have received criticism or praise, how the party looked like and if certain words were used in the articles.The theories of the study are based on agenda setting, priming, ?The spiral of silence? and democratic role of the media. They concern, among other things, how media sets the agenda for what people think is important and how after being exposed to something, subconsciously creates a feedback about the phenomenon.The results show that the Sweden Democrats have received much negative publicity at a time when their poll numbers increase, which goes against the established truth that says that positive publicity is beneficial to the parties while the negative publicity is adverse..

Marknadsföring är ett extremt brett begrepp och antalet metoder som finns att marknadsförasitt företag är enorma. I dagens samhälle utsätts vi för tusentals marknadsföringsbudskap ochde flesta sorterar vi bort automatiskt. Därför är det viktigt att kunna marknadsföra sig på ett såeffektivt sätt som möjligt. Det finns ingen marknadsföringsmetod som är bäst för alla företag,utan varje företag måste undersöka och prova vilken metod som passar för just det dem. Enform av marknadsföring som är effektiv kostnadsmässigt är nätverksmarknadsföring, där dethandlar om att människor blir återförsäljare för företaget och marknadsför företagetsprodukter samt rekryterar nya återförsäljare.

AbstractTitle: The Junilistan in the elections of the European Parliament in 2004 A media drama in three actsNumber of pages: 42Author: Kristiina RuutiTutor: Amelie HössjerCourse: Media and Communication Studies CUniversity: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala UniversityDate of submission: 2007-01-13, autumn term of 2006Purpose/Aim:The purpose of the essay is to examine the media coverage of the Swedish Junilistan in the elections of the European Parliament in Sweden 2004. My hypothesis is that the media coverage of the political party Junilistan was a media drama with elements of classical dramaturge.Material/Method:Qualitative content analyses of four Swedish newspapers from a narratological perspective.Main results:The media coverage of the political party Junilistan was a media drama with elements of classical dramaturge. The coverage became a drama with three acts. Diverse actors with different projects could be identified from the articles.Keywords:Narrative, election journalism, classic drama, mediadrama, actant, European parliament.

Climate change is a phenomenon that know no boundaries. While focus on environment and climate change has become highly prioritized, nationalism has spread across Europe. Nationalism is by many considered to refuse action to combat climate change although some argue that nationalism could combat global climate change. Previous research on how nationalism is implemented in environment and climate politics has mainly focused on single parties. The thesis therefore aims to give a broad approach and compare how nationalism is used in environment and climate politics by analyzing 4 European parties with either ethnic or civic nationalism and different roles in their party system. With a qualitative content analysis on party programs and election manifestos the findings imply that parties use nationalism in the climate and environment discourse in a variety of ways.

This study explores the notion of class and social inequality as expressed in the Swedish election campaign of 2006 and in the reception of the Swedish conservative party as a "worker's party". Inspired by Fairclough's critical discourse analysis I have carried through an investigation of the debate. My sources consists in a collection of articles, mainly leader columns and contributions to the debate, from a selected number of Swedish newspapers.I found that an explicit discussion about class, or use of the concept as such, was largely absent. In cases where the concept occurred it was often used in a purely descriptive sense or dismissed as outdated. Furthermore, I have drawn the conclusion that the traditional understanding of class is being challenged by a discourse which aims at establishing a new understanding of social inequality as lack of paid work.I take my point of departure in the belief that class continues to be one of the most important bases of social inequality.

AbstractTitle: Similar but different ? Sweden Democrats and Swedish Social Democratic Party in Swedish newspapers online during 2010 (Lika men olika ? Sverigedemokraterna och Socialdemokraterna i svensk rikspress på nätet 2010).Number of pages: 35 (40 including enclosures)Author: Magnus MjöhagenTutor: Amelie HössjerCourse: Media and Communication studies CPeriod: Autumn 2010University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information and Media, Uppsala UniversityPurpose/aim: To discover any possible difference between the media report concerning The Sweden Democrats and the Swedish Social Democratic Party in Swedish news press.Material/method: A quantitative content analysis has been made with 64 articles from the homepages of the four biggest news papers in Sweden: Aftonbladet.se, Expressen.se, DN.se (Dagens Nyheter) and SvD.se (Svenska Dagbladet). The analysis focused on four themes: 1) framing in the articles, 2) impersonation in the articles, 3) the democratic task of journalism and 4) the expectations of journalism in an election campaign.Main results: The main results showed that the difference between the two parties either was nonexistent or very small. The articles were sometimes framed in specific ways, but a big amount of the articles were not framed. Impersonation occurred in about half of the cases, concerning both parties.

The aim of this study is to provide an investigation of an ?old? political phenomenon that over the recent years has enjoyed a considerable revival across Europe. This study about nationalism is mainly based on empirical second hand source material from literature and articles providing us with both a historical as well as a contemporary insight in this ideology. This study shows us the complexity and the difficulties that the academia is facing regarding nationalism due to the dynamic nature of the ideology, in the sense that it simply means different things to different peoples in different cultures across different points in time. The study is conducted by using a phenomenological, qualitative and inductive method of gathering and interpreting information.  A handful of books have formed the foundation through the gathering of relevant empirical information, along with articles from both scientific publications as well as the mainstream media. The data have been studied and laid out to make key points regarding nationalism and the theory behind it clear for the reader.

This study is about the perception of politics in social work. The aim of the study was to seehow people working with social work in municipalities describe their perception of how politicsaffect their work. The study was conducted in two municipalities in middle Sweden,which had a transfer of power in the 2006 election. Six people; two social workers, two executivedirectors and two politicians was interviewed about their perceptions about politics, ifthe ideological direction of the municipal matters, and how politics effect social work and theorganization. As analyze method organizational theory with focus on change and power wereused.

In May 2004 the European Union enlarged from 15 to 25 member states and it was the biggest enlargement since the foundation. Two years earlier Poland, as one of the new member states, finished four years of accession negotiations with the EU.This study focus on the case of Poland and how the accession negotiations with EU were conducted. According to the theoretical framework of asymmetric negotiations Poland was said to be a weak party and the EU was considered a strong party in the enlargement negotiations.The aim of the thesis is to examine Poland's negotiation performance and determine what Polish failure and success in the accession negotiations depends on. The research contains a illustration of the motives for enlargement, the negotiation process and structure, attitudes and behaviour and finally results of negotiations in specific areas.The study concludes that Poland's negotiation performance was influenced by the Polish negotiation team's unpleasant attitude, confused organizational structure, lack of coalition partners and the strong will to become a member state, in both positive and negative ways. Finally, Poland was most successful in negotiations that concerned specific issues which were of great importance for Poland but less prioritized by the EU..

SARS [Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome] penetrated China in spring of 2003, created havoc in the social society, exposed weaknesses within the political system and pushed the nation towards a crisis of confidence. At the same time the crisis revitalised the Party's position, brought people from different social stratum together and had a beneficial impact on the populace's knowledge on health related issues.What makes the SARS crisis in China interesting for further and deeper investigation is the method it chose to respond to its national crisis. They plan of response was indeed a retrogression back to "older" times, using methods and propaganda very much like those used during Mao Zedong and later Deng Xiaoping. The first step of response was denial and cover up of the real situation, which quickly turned to unprecedented transparency, as the magnitude of SARS became known. The Party and the government were quick to proclaim themselves as the bearer of the key knowledge and information on how to best fight the disease, this in sharp contrast to the political trend of more co-operation between the private and public sector and political transparency.