The Sweden Democrats uses a term to describe a situation where ?swedes? are being discriminated against by other ethnic groups and where the elite is promoting this. The term ?svenskfientlighet? can be translated as ?swedofobia? and in this thesis a speech by the party leader Jimmie Åkesson held during the election campaign that solely was dedicated to this term is being analyzed with the help of tools developed by the scholar Ruth Wodak. Ruth Wodak has previously analyzed the rhetoric by other European right-wing-populist parties like FPÖ in Austria and has asked for other researchers to analyze the speech used by right-wing-populist and extremist parties to get a better understanding for just how these parties construct their different enemies.

After being excluded from the Swedish Social Democrat party in 1917, the Revolutionary Socialists founded the Social Democrat Left Party. From this point onwards, the Social Democratic hegemony and dominant position within the Swedish workers movement and political landscape was challenged. This thesis aims to investigate the power struggles between these two parties, the Revolutionary Socialists and the Social Democrats, and their desire to influence control of the unions. Taking cues from earlier research calling for a more localized look at this struggle, this thesis turns to a case study of union matters of the the Factory Workers Union Local 84, at Västerviks Tändsticksfabrik, a match manufacturer and largest employer in the Swedish coastal town of Västervik from 1925 to 1930. Organizational material including meeting protocols, annual reports and member registration lists from the local political parties, cooperative union organizations (VFS) and Local 84 serve as secondary data sources.

When Deng Xiaoping introduced his reform program, he began China's transition from a plan economy to a socialist market economy. Liberal theorists often argue that there is an automatic link between ?free market? and ?democracy?, however this link is not evident in China. This contradiction constitutes the problem area of this thesis.With a theoretical framework containing ?totalitarism? and ?Tang Tsous culturalist approach? I have analysed the leadership of CCP (China's Communist Party) and its strategies to maintain the Chinese political system.

This paper aims to present a theoretical understanding of the emergence of extreme right- wing populist parties (ERP), and more specifically the electoral breakthrough of the ERP party, Sverigedemokraterna in the municipality of Karlskrona. By doing so the study is constructed as a theoretical framework, where the empirical material and the theoretical aspects are interwoven. This means that the theoretical framework also functions as an analytical part. The paper shows how Sverigedemokraterna could be understood as an ERP party, based on e.g its populist anti-establishment critique, and its critique towards the ?immigrant issue?.

No one believes in Åkesson - a comparative study on the evening press and the publicservice reporting on the Swedish Democrats before the 2014 election.The purpose of this essay was to study how Aftonbladet and Ekot reports about the SwedishDemocrats before the election 2014, as well as comparing the two medias and reasoningabout their agendas towards the party. The tabloid, Aftonbladet, is one of the biggestnewspapers in Sweden, which depends on counter sales and commercials. Ekot, which is apart of public service, is state-funded and regulated by certain guidelines. Using aquantitative method we studied 80 articles, and through a qualitative method, six of thearticles were analyzed to reach a deeper understanding. The theories primary used in thisstudy were agenda-setting and framing, to stress the power of media.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the properties of the municipalities in Sweden that influence the choice of being a certified Fairtrade city. The independent variables which are used in the statistical analysis are municipal governance, local tax rate, whether there is an university and/or university college in the municipality, average income and higher education in the municipality. The variables are examined by logistic regression. Since there are no statistical data on ethical procurement, this exogenous variable isn?t included in the regression.

With varied electoral success for anti-immigration parties across Western Europe, Sweden is often held as an example where anti-immigration parties have been less successful. This have caught the interest of many scientists around the world and have recently developed theories on a subnational level when testing Sweden?s municipalities, on why they have failed here but not in other countries. But in the election to 2010, Sweden now joins the rest of the Western-European countries in having an anti-immigrations party in the parliament.This paper has tested three theories on a Municipality that has shown evident support for the Sweden democrats, both in the local and the national election. This is done with a qualitative approach, made up from interviews with the local established parties.

According to Swedish contract law, a mistake in contract can be categorized as either an error concerning the content of the agreement or an error in motive. An error concerning the content of the agreement could be described as a divergence between a party?s intent and his declaration, while an error in motive is a mistake about the reasons why a party would like to agree to the contract. The borderline between these two types of mistakes is based on Savigny?s theories on echt (error in motive) and unecht (error in content) mistakes.

This study is conducted with a focus on managers and its different forms as found in a nation wide Swedish bedroom specialist-organisation, Sängjätten. Leadership is perceived in many forms and depends on a large variety of factors within and outside the organisation. One of these factors is ownership and the characteristics these imply on the forms in which the manager works. Within the studied organisation there were two distinctive forms of ownership regarding to the stores we studied; such as franchising compared to the franchiser owned through a national headquarter, so-called ?self-proprietary stores?.

The aim of this study is to examine the historical information about women?s libraries and book ownership during the early modern period in the work of Carl Magnus Carlander, Svenska bibliotek och ex-libris [Swedish libraries and ex-libris] (1904) and to inquire the scientific value of the information. A gender perspective is applied to the study. Gender is understood as a social and cultural constructed concept, dealing with female and male identities as interdependent categories.The study of Svenska bibliotek och ex-libris is made using source criticism and it has two parts. The first part deals with external conditions of the creation of the work; the life of C.

Pontarius AB har tillsammans med Göteborgs Hamn AB identifierat behovet av en utvecklad holistisk modell för bedömning av investeringar i terminalytor. För detta har en första ansats gjorts med den interna livscykelkostnadsanalysmodellen Total Cost of Ownership and Operations (TCOO). Livscykelkostnadsanalys (LCCA) är ett verktyg för att handskas med ett projekts totala kostnader vid investeringsbeslut och bedömning av alternativ. Generella livscykelkostnads-modeller är svåra att ta fram, varför istället utförliga modeller vanligen skapas för specifika områden. För vägbeläggningar, och tillviss del flygplatsbeläggningar, finns utförliga sådana metoder, men för beläggningar i containerterminaler saknas det.För att fortsätta utveckling mot en bättre bedömningsmodell för terminalytor syftade studien till att identifiera kostnadsparametrar som sett ur ett livscykelperspektiv påverkar kostnaderna för containerhamnterminalytor.

The reason for this study is to settle the balance between technology and preponderance in war. Each theory claims its own superiority to be decisive when it comes to achieving military victories, but this study will show what actually happens when the two theories are analyzed together in the same conflict. To prove the conclusions, a case-study on Operation Gazelle is used. The study will describe the theories, what a military victory is and which party in the conflict came out victorious after this specific operation. Both sides? forces will be shown and compared.

The aim of this study was to examine how the political party Sweden Democrats is represented in two Swedish newspapers. The study included a national newspaper and a local newspaper, Aftonbladet and Blekinge Läns Tidning. We studied 35 articles from both papers, from 2005 and from 2009. We analyzed the texts using the linguist Norman Faircloughs (1995) method for discourse analysis. Based on his theories, we created our own model to examine the texts. Our model primarily focused on representation. The study was conducted at a time when Sweden Democrats was given much support in opinion polls and knocked on the door to the Swedish Parliament. The study showed that Sweden Democrats in both newspapers, primarily by descriptions, the choice of interviewees, etc., often are represented as racists.

The purpose of Älvdalens besparingsskog is to develop the district and most of all the forestry in Älvdalen. It's owned by about 2 300 private forest owners who's landed properties are located in Älvdalen. Every year the besparingsskogen gives out a lot of its profit in form different types of subsidies for agriculture and forestry. The owners can apply for subsidies for several of the costs that occur in forestry. During the period 2000-2003 the owners are offered forest management plans and pcSKOG-gård at no cost for their private forest properties. The purpose of this master's thesis was to find out if the activity in the forestry changed when the forest owners got new forest management plans and the computer program pcSKOG-gård.

Sweden's school voucher reform has made the Swedish school system into one of the world's most liberalized. The debate concerning the ownership of Swedish schools is intense and the Swedish Minister of Education is open to restricting private equity owned companies from running schools. Interestingly, fewer calls are heard for restricting smaller profit-driven companies from owning schools. This essay aims to examine whether or not the quality of education provided by an individual school changes if it is acquired by a large private equity owned school group. This is done by conducting a comparative study on four independent schools recently acquired by AcadeMedia, Sweden's biggest private equity owned school group.