The aim of this essay is to investigate the situation for democracy in China. The study raises two main questions. They are as follows: Are there obstacles to a democratization process in China? and Are there openings when it comes to a gradual change for democratization in China? The theoretical framework consists of Robert A.Dahl´s Polyarchy theory, and in addition , five factors promoting democracy. Also the notion of an MDP-society (a modern, dynamic and pluralistic society) is looked upon.

Aim:The study's aim is to examine whether and to what extent elementary school pupils aged 13 and 16 report that they ever have been forced to leave home by parents, have run away from home voluntarily or have seriously considered doing so. The aim is also to illuminate which circumstances contribute to these break-ups. Method: A quantitative approach is used; a survey material consisting of 1193 questionnaires is analysed. The data material has been used in earlier studies but the issue addressed here has not been studied earlier. The circumstances analysed are gender, ethnicity, the parents? religious belief and education, living conditions (sharing home with both parents, one of them or none), contacts with professionals (psychologist, school nurse or curator), physical and mental wellbeing, way of upbringing (liberal vs authoritarian) and communication with parents.

The Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) has for a long time been the subject of study by political scientists. In the meantime they have been categorized as National Socialists, Fascists, right-wing extremists and more recently radical right populists. But it has not been categorized according to the theories that I expect. The purpose of this essay is to study how well Sweden Democrats policies match with ideas that are typical for radical right populist parties. The main research question is:- Are Sweden Democrats showing details which are typical for radical right populist parties?To be able to answer those questions, I have used an ideal type analysis and developed an analysis instrument according the theoretical approach and the methods in Bergström & Boréus book.

I denna uppsats analyseras debatten kring Turkiets ansökan om medlemskap i EU. Argument för och emot Turkiets medlemskap analyseras utifrån tre kategorier: pragmatiska, värdegrundsorienterade och moraliska argument. Dessa kategorier hänförs till olika idealtyper. Idealtyperna kopplas i sin tur till en övergripande inställning till EU.Analysen av debatten bringar i första hand klarhet i argumentationen i det specifika studerade fallet. Genom att relatera argumenten till idealtyper, som utgår från grundläggande inställningar avseende EU:s identitet, tillförs också en generaliserande ambition.Den största delen av argumentationen har upptagits av pragmatiska argument.

Education systems face a number of challenges regarding social justice, diversity, difference, and inclusion and membership for all students in the groups that schools create. This invokes questions of how well these challenges are met in curricula and teaching materials. Through discourse analysis of eight Swedish geographical textbooks, this essay aims to seek out the perspectives surrounding difference within the subject of geography. It concludes that the idea of fixed homogenous cultures as meaningfull in differentiating among people dominates throughout the latter half of the 20th century and during the last decade. In addition, it concludes that the discourse surrounding diversity in Swedish geographical teaching materials mainly has a binary liberal view of plurality focused around tolerance.

This essay analyse the relationships between scientific paradigms and different logics of power in the field of psychiatry, primarily in the fields of attention disorders of children and schizophrenia. In these two fields of psychiatric research and treatment, there exist two scientific paradigms, a biological/neuropsychiatric and a socialpsychological, working from different standpoints regarding questions of ontology, epistemology and theories of value. Drawing from Thomas Kuhns paradigmatic theory of science, and Michel Foucaults concept of power, this essay proposes that different paradigmatic standpoints gives rise to different logics of power. Relying on the concept of power/knowledge and different paradigmatic standpoints, the essay states that the biological/neuropsychiatric paradigm produces a biological individualising logic of power that fixes the individual to his/hers biological condition. This in contrast to the socialpsychological paradigm, which on the basis of its paradigmatic standpoints produces a social-group related logic of power.

Studies have found that the applicability of commercial marketing strategies within politics have increased in recent years as a result of a rising number of swing voters. The purpose of this paper was to investigate the effects of the commercial theory of incongruent information in political marketing in Sweden. Subsequently, an experiment with 742 participants was conducted, testing the effects of congruent and incongruent ad messages for two established Swedish parties. The effect of ad message choice on several well-established measures of ad effectiveness such as awareness, credibility, attitude, conviction and voting intentions was analyzed. The results showed that incongruent information effectively increases attitude, conviction and voting intention for voters who decide on the election day what party to vote for.

This paper examines the power producing dams along the Ume-river as an integral part of and a result from the urbanization process in Sweden during industrial capitalism. The aim of the paper is to contribute to the knowledge of the urbanization process in Sweden in general and of its traces along the Ume river in the county of Västerbotten in particular. The paper applies the theory of concentrated urbanization and extended urbanization put forward by Neil Brenner and Christian Schmid (2015) and argues that the building of power producing dams along the Ume-river is part of an extended urbanization process. This becomes particularly evident when examining the vast physical structures that is the dams, situated in an otherwise remote and sparsely populated area. These vast physical structures are also very well connected to a nation wide electric grid that has connections to bordering countries as well.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att med diskursanalys undersöka hur det dalgliga talet om invandrare ser ut på diskussionsforumet Passagen.se underkategorin svenska samhället. Dessutom vill vi ta reda på hur invandrare konstrueras som problem och hur det är legitimt att tala om invandrare på forumet.Tidigare forskning inom ämnet har gjorts med diskursanalys på talet om invandrare i media, intervjuer och dagligt tal, men främst i andra länder och inte på internet. Vid diskursanalys går teori och metod hand i hand, vilket innebär att de begrepp som vi presenterar i teorin använder vi till stor del i analysmetoden. I analysen fann vi en mängd diskurser i talet om invandrare, vilket resulterade i en dominerande kritisk inställning och en underrepresenterad liberal inställning till invandrare. Invandrare konstrueras som problem genom att ?de? begår brott, luras, hotar vår kultur, konspirerar mot oss, är kostsamma och på det hela taget är alltför många.

AbstractWhy don't (some) regimes with formal democratic features undergo transition to democracy? Which are the internal dynamics of these regimes that can offer comprehension to this state of affairs? The main purpose of this thesis is to advance the above questions, and, on a lower level of abstraction, examine the case of Egypt. The Egyptian regime is characterized by, for instance, a multiparty-system, steps toward economic liberalization, and some level of persistent state opposition, and has been considered on the way to liberal democracy, but can still hardly be estimated as such.Thus, the thesis takes part in a theoretical framework on democratization, and further analyzes the case of Egypt on grounds of socioeconomic development, political culture, and class configuration. By this contextual approach, the thesis adduces that a low level of modernization, an incomplete democratic political culture, and a bourgeoisie supported by the state are impending significant factors. The thesis additionally remarks on the interconnection of the adopted theories, and discusses a potential need for new theoretical propositionsA secondary aim of the thesis also gives some insights into the concurrence of regime stability and the absence of democracy in, what often could be labelled, authoritarian regimes.

Aggression is a normal part of a dog?s behaviour repertoire and has always been an evolutionary relevant behaviour. Even if aggression in some contexts is relevant, it is one of the most common problem behaviour reported by dog owners. It has been discussed if some breeds are more likely to show aggression and therefore should be banned. On the 1st of January 2008 a new act was enforced by the Swedish government giving the police force greater authority in decisions to apprehend and euthanize dogs if they after an appropriate evaluation of the dog?s temperament think it is necessary.

The aim of this study is to describe ideas put forward by Sweden Democrats (Swedish: Sverigedemokraterna) about Christianity in Sweden and the Church of Sweden as a Folk Church, a church for a whole people, and how the political party uses Christianity as a part of constructing a Swedish identity. The investigation is based on official documents, newspaper articles, statements and political motions which are analysed using a form of text analysis called idea analysis. The theoretical frame of the investigation is founded on Claire Mitchell?s theory about religious content in ethnic identities and Einar Billing?s and Johan Alfred Eklund?s thoughts about what makes the Church of Sweden a Folk Church.The investigation shows, among other things, that the Sweden Democrats? view of the Church of Sweden is similar to the thoughts of Eklund but they differ in their lack of references to theology. The investigation also shows that Christianity serves as an important marker for the Sweden Democrats in creating a Swedish identity. .

Local politicians are key actors in the democratic system and their ideas concerning democracy plays a central role in local democratic politics. The study's point of departure is the notion that local politicians are dependent of coherence between practice and theory concerning democracy and in the study of their ideas we acquire knowledge about the democratic practice.This study examines the local politicians? view of Swedish democracy and explores the logic of the discourse that makes statements concerning democracy possible. Twenty local politicians have been interviewed and from the material a discourse have been established through the use of formulation of problems and cause, nodal points and chains of analogy which is compared with democratic ideals.The study comes to the conclusion that a hegemonic discourse exists, in which central nodal points are representative and listening. The idea of the representative system is hegemonic and is based in the liberal democratic ideal although the view of the citizens rather can be traced to the radical, communitarian and deliberative ideal.

Människor påverkas dagligen av olika påverkansfaktorer utan att veta om det. Vi ska i denna analys ta reda på om det påverkar olika beroende på vilken miljö man befinner sig i. Är konsumenterna mer påverkningsbara när det befinner sig i en butik eller är det när de befinner sig på ett Home Party som man påverkas mer?Den mest kända påverkansfaktorn är reciprocitetsregeln. Regeln innebär att butiker försöker med en gåva locka till sig konsumenternas förtroende och få dem att känna att de vill ge butiken någonting tillbaka.

Mass media is becoming more and more personalized and despite common ideas it could actually be a good thing. Instead of affecting the actual content of news coverage it might only have an effect on the way in which news are presented. Famous politicians more regularly become symbols and synonyms for their parties or for the government and are being used to create interest in the beginning of articles.Those are the results from a content analysis of the newspaper coverage of the Swedish parliamentary election in 1976 and 2006 in which the scientist categorized each article in one of four ideal types, counted quotes and analyzed whether personal names were interchangeable with party names without affecting the content. All three methods showing that it is the presentation, not the content, which has been personalized.At the same time, psychology-science tells us about the human brains associative learning processes, where memorizing becomes far more efficient when the information can be connected to an already known person. Increased personalization of news might therefore increase the political knowledge of the receivers..