Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa och analysera hur nationella prov för åk 3 framställs och legitimeras i den offentliga debatten samt i en skolkontext. Jag vill vidare problematisera hur kunskap produceras och makt utövas på en mer generell nivå i skolan. Materialet till denna studie består av skriftliga källor så som forskningsrapporter och tidningsartiklar, kvalitativa intervjuer med lärare samt en observation och ett samtal med elever i åk 3. Materialet granskas med hjälp av genealogi och Michel Foucaults teorier kring makt, disciplinering och normalitet. I den offentliga debatten finns ett gemensamt förgivet tagande att proven på olika sätt kan förbättra skolan.

This essay revolves around two questions: what is the nature of politics, and what kind of political order ensures a high rate of citizen participation? By using Cantal Mouffes theory on the political this essay shows how different understandings of the nature of politics can lead to diverging views on what forms democracy should take. Two such understandings are identified; one that sees the nature of politics as characterized by conflict and power, one that sees it as a space for cooperation in search for the common good. I trace these different ideas about the political in the parliamentary debate concerning Swedish constitutional reform. I conclude that the left-of-centre parties hold a view of the political closer to the conflict-perspective, while the green party together with the liberals/conservatives lean closer to the opposite view..

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swe-dish immigration policy based on Habermas theory about openings/closures and analyze the reasons to the differences between Danish and Swedish immigrant policy. Therefore this study has two question formulations, the first one was "Is there any equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy based on Habermas theory of openings and closings?" and the second was "Why are there equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy?" The results show that based on Habermas theory there are equalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy. On the question why, the re-sults show us that the factors who give the difference are work, people?s attitude to immi-grants and party politics.Keywords: Denmark, Sweden, Immigration policy, opening, closing..

To what extent do young Muslims relate to the left-right-scale in Swedish politics?: A case study from SUM?s youth conference of 2009.English AbstractIn Sweden there seem to be a growing concern about young people?s waning involvement in party politics. Another group that is sometimes described as uninvolved in politics is immigrants, living in worn down suburbs with low employment and education levels. In expressing sentiments like those above, it seems that ?guilt? is shifted onto young people or immigrants.

The structure of the thesis is based on opportunities to attract businesses to the region, the need of establishments in the region and benchmarking with establishment strategies of other cluster initiatives. The identified opportunities are the local business relationship with ABB, the prerequisites of life quality in the region and the availability of financial support. Further on has a number of opportunities to be developed been identified; diversification of the existing businesses, an expansion of the cooperation with universities and to simplify the contact with local authorities. Challenges that HVV is facing is: creating a more dynamic labor market, secure long-term labor supply, spread the image of the brand HVV and finally putting HVVs geographic scope. Two of the identified needs of establishments are strategically important: to establish a third-party logistician and commercializing systems for distributed generation and energy storage.

The aim of this paper is to explain how the European Union?s common strategy for theCommon Foreign- and Security Policy (CFSP) will change with the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon. A comparative case study and qualitative method is used. On the basis of Smith?s theory of institutionalization we will analyze two member states: France and Denmark.

The history of books and libraries in the Philippines starts after the arrival of the Spaniards in 1521. During the Spanish era, most of the libraries were established through the religious orders to support their own religious mission. The Americans came in the beginning of the 20th century and have had a decisive influence on the education system and the development of libraries in the Philippines. For the analysis, I have used the models of Michael H. Harris and Magnus Torstensson in their studies of library development.

The differences between the sexes when it comes to land and property ownership are enormous. This paper deals with issues concerning women's land and property rights. The aim of the study is to investigate what general factors are effecting women's access to and control of land. In addition, this paper aims to explore the effects of liberal formalism in relation to gender equality and the distribution of land. Formalism and formalization of women's land rights alone won't lead to equality in land distribution or women's emancipation.

The aim of this thesis is to clarify the affect that preferential and regional trade agreements have on the World Trade Organization (WTO), as being establisher of the international trading regime. The essay is an explanatory literature study, which strives to answer the following questions:Are regional and preferential trade agreements a threat or a complement to the WTO?Is an undermining of the MFN principle weakening the WTO?How do regional trade agreements made by the EU affect the future of the WTO?The empirical material is to be analyzed using an explanatory framework, which is based on neo-liberal instutionalism, theories on regime changes and a game theoretical approach, using prisoner?s dilemma. I will employ the EU-ACP relation, the Cotonou agreement to exemplify how an agreement of this kind can have an influence on multilateral trade. The result shows that preferential agreements do have an impact on the WTO, one that is fairly negative in scope.

Our social lives and where we live shape our choices in life. One of those choices is which party we vote for in the general election. The aim of this thesis is to see if there are any connections between the Swedish general election of 2010, demography, socioeconomic factors and geography. This is done with regression analysis and chosen variables. Another aim is to see where in Sweden the chosen variables aren?t enough to explain the results of the election.

The purpose of this study was to examine the incentives behind Sweden?s decision to engagein the Afghanistan conflict.The method used to fulfil the purpose of the study is content analysis. The material that hasbeen used in the study is various books and articles concerning Sweden in Afghanistan,Swedish foreign policy and perspectives in political science.The study is multi-theoretical and thus the analysis explains the incentives from a liberal, arealist and a constructivist point of view.The conclusion of the study is that identity has a great part in explaining the incentives forSweden to engage in Afghanistan, especially because of the transformation in strategy andforeign policy that has taken place since the end of the cold war. Other factors, such as peacebuilding and national interests also are incentives supported by the material used in the study.Yet, perhaps they are first and foremost connected by the constructivist idea of identity..

There is a known link between relative deprivation and street crime among market liberal countries. Although some research has been done with cross-national data, there is none to suggest that the observed link is as valid in a country well known for its extended welfare and generous social expenditure like Sweden. The following study uses longitudinal data to see if this recognized link between relative deprivation and street crime also stands in a country with almost a century long tradition of striving for social-, economic- and cultural equality. Even though Sweden, over the last decade, has been subjected to a series of deregulations due to policy changes at national level, and with a following rise in inequality, it is still considered to be one of the most equal countries in the west. It is therefore not unlikely that the high degree of social security will reduce the negative impact of relative deprivation on social relations among its citizens, perhaps enough so that the correlation will be significantly weakened.

This thesis analyzes the media debates generated by the election of Omar Mustafa to the board of the social democratic party, and the appointment of the conservative Minister of Labour, Elisabeth Svantesson. More specifically, the aim is to analyze newspaper material through a discourse analyze, to see if and how religious affiliation effects the possibilities to act as a political representative. Theories of othering and intersectionality serve as theoretical points of departure. Further, chains of equivalence from Laclau and Mouffe?s discourse theory are used to study how categories as ?us? and ?the other? are constructed in the material, and how these processes of categorization relate to the intersection of religion, gender and ethnicity.

This study attempts to answer the question of whether the propaganda of the Swedish political parties ?Socialdemokraterna?, and/or ?Sverigedemokraterna?, used for the election to the European parliament 2009, are to be viewed as populistic. Furthermore, is the propaganda to viewed as included in the ?Classical populism?, the ?New populism?, both, or none of the above genres? With a theoretical approach deriving from earlier works on the subject Classical/New populism from a number of writers, the study uses empirical and qualitative text analysis to study the parties propaganda. For each of the two genres of populism an ideal type is set up, which is used to define their core elements.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate how the temperance movement IOGT in Karlstadcampaigned for people to vote for a referendum on alcohol in 1922 and how it has been tackled bythe local press. To answer the purpose a qualitative text interpretation has been used from IOGT'smeetings protocols and the local press used are the two largest newspapers in Karlstad during thisperiod of time, Karlstads-Tidningen and Nya Wermlands-Tidningen. The type of examinationperformed is called interpretive case study where it has been used a theoretical basis. Thetheoretical point is Habermas Bourgeois publicity also been used by Lars Båtefalk in his thesisStaten, samhället och superiet. Can the temperance movement be said to take part of the publicsphere?The results show that IOGT during this period have grown large enough to be a part of the publicwhich Båtefalk mean was not the case around 1900.