In 2010 Swedish political parties used commercials broadcasted on TV for the first time in order to gain votes in a general election. In connection with the election the parties were criticized for not succeeding to formulate a story to the voters that conveyed how they wanted to change Sweden. In this paper I use central concepts from rhetoric, storytelling, postmodernism and psychology to formulate three demands each on the narrator, the story and its reception. Using the resulting image of what distinguishes a good narrator, a good story and a good reception as a starting point, I investigate to what extent the critique was justified. My findings indicate that the degree to which the commercials fulfill these demands vary greatly.

University of VäxjöSchool of Social SciencesBachelor Thesis in Political ScienceTitle: ?Sverigedemokraternas valframgångar 2006 ? En ulv i fårakläder??Author: Emma Haraldsson and Åsa NeuschützTutor: Emil UddhammarThe aim of this study is to explain Sverigedemokraterna?s electoral success in 2006 and the essay assumes that some form of change has occurred. To study this change two hypotheses have been constructed. The first hypothesis concerns the change within Sverigedemokraterna and the second hypothesis concerns the change of the Swedish voters attitudes.Kirchheimers catch-all theory is used to explain the change in Sverigedemokraterna. The catch-all theory states that parties have to change their structure to maximise the number of votes.

This paper addresses how political parties make decisions. Parties often have to choose between conflicting objectives such as influence on policy, control of the government, and support among the voters. This paper examines the behavior of the two Swedish parties on one of their particular policy positions: Swedish withdrawal from the EU. The aim is to describe why the Left Party (Vänsterpartiet) and the Green Party (Miljöpartiet) retain thisspecific policy position when it on one hand seems damaging to their chances of getting into government, and on the other seems to be an unrealistic policy to realize. I undertake a twocase study of the two Swedish parties, which I assume to represent a population of Nordic parties critical to the EU.

33 referendum has taken place in european states regarding the European Union since the fall of the Berlin wall. This thesis aims to initialy identify potential patterns in this group of referenda to launch and test a theory/hypothesis anchored in this pattern.The european states are differing in nature and the standard of living is chosen as the factor that can potentially have affected the outcome of the referenda held. The carrying thought here being that the voters in states with considerably lower standard of living than the european average would have a more positive attitude towards a deepened cooperation among european states.To try this connection between standard of living and how european citizens have placed their votes a main and principal quantitative test is undertaken. It is followed by discussion and arguments about the result of the test.The argumentation goes from being hopefull of the strenght of the hypothesis, to a more ciritical view of its' strength. The thesis is wrapped up in some argumentation about how and why it fails to explain what it was initially intended to do.

Today, we see tendencies of politicians being more active in social media using selfies. According to previous research using selfies is associated with being self-centered and narcissistic. It is not known though what implications the behavior will have for a selfie-using politician in terms of chances of being elected. This study aims to contribute to the research on political communication and social media behavior. More specifically the study intends to investigate whether there is a difference between voters' views if a politician uses selfies or not, and whether there is a difference by gender.

BRP Systems utvecklar och säljer affärssystem till mindre och medelstora tjänsteföretag. Huvudsystemet är en Java Swing-applikation och för att få bättre struktur på programmet önskar man vid utvecklingen använda ett lämpligt ramverk om något sådant går att identifiera. Denna rapport undersöker två sådana ramverk.Ett ramverk kan användas som hjälp vid utvecklingen av komplexa applikationer. De fungerar som en grund till applikationen som utvecklas och kan erbjuda olika hjälpfunktioner som ofta behövs i vanliga program. Ramverk kan även få källkoden att bli mer strukturerad och lättunderhållen.

2014 is a special year in Sweden: for the first time elections to the European parliament and the national elections coincides, creating a"Super election year". This year has also seen the rebirth of an old way of campaigning: door-to-door canvassing. For the first time in 50 years the two biggest political parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderate Party, have decided to create a campaign based on personal meetings with the voters in their own home. To investigate this old-new way of campaigning, this study presents an overview of the history of door-to-door canvassing in Sweden and the research in political marketing associated with the phenomena. Based on that, a new model is constructed to help analyze and map the Swedish canvassing-campaigns.

The purpose with this essay is to find out ifneo-fascist connection will change the next generationscitizens (in this specific case ninth graders) opinions about a specific political party. In modern day Sweden,only one political party stands for political ideas that can be seen as neo-fascist (Sverigedemokraterna). Whatwould happen if the next generation citizens saw this connection and how would they respond? That?s whatthis essay is all about, are the students ?positive?, ?negative? or ?on changed? to a neo-fascist politicalparty? The studies research type is mainly of a qualitative nature butquantitative elements occur. The data iscoming from two classes of ninth graders that answered eight questions each.

The activity of interest groups in the political process of the European Union has given rise to a broad debate concerning the effect on European democracy these groups have. As relatively powerful political actors, the question of these groups? views on the EU and how the union should be is an important one. The status of these groups owns democratic representation also affects the democratic status of the EU. Being based on a number of theories, this study adopts an ideology analysis for the purpose of testing these theories on two cases ? the Swedish environmental organizations World Wide Fund for Nature and The Swedish Society for Nature Conservation.

The main purpose of this study is to examine celebrity candidates in the European Parliament election in Sweden and Finland. The theoretical background assumes that candidate voting is beneficial in the election to the European Parliament. Previous research also shows that there are some opponents towards candidate voting, claiming it personalizes politics and it might lead to celebrities getting elected simply because they are well known to the voters.This study is a comparative analysis and analyzes the differences between Sweden and Finland when it comes to celebrity candidates. Furthermore, Max Weber?s theory on leadership will be used to categorize the celebrity candidates further.

Culture, orgin and identity are hot topics that are being discussed everywhere, for example in newspapers, lunchrooms and on Twitter. Politicians, media and ordinary people have displayed different antiracist acts, for example campaigns, marches and political actions.But you may wonder if it really is that effective, or if the antiracism reproduces racism with its language. The purpose of this study is to see if articles from the newspaper Aftonbladet's antiracist campaign ?We like different!? reproduces racism through its language.The method that is used is discourse analysis, more specific Chantal Laclau och Ernesto Mouffes discourse theory. The theories the study relies on are race, racism, framing, racism in news, binary oppositions, stereotypes, whiteness and orientalism.Two discourses were found in the material, ?We like different? and ?We like the same?.

AbstractThe control of quality standard ISO 9001 has made the internal audit to be experienced as police authority and paragraph control. Because of that, motivation for internal auditors is low. To counteract the experience, there is a possibility to integrate internal audit with improvements in company?s processes. Theory has shown that a qualified and competent auditor can provide information that can help the organization's managements to make the right decisions that will improve product quality and result in new customer contracts.An opportunity to observe an internal and external audit at one of the case companies gave rise to this study.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att förklara vilka sociala och värderingsmässiga faktorer som ökar svenska väljares benägenhet att rösta på Sverigedemokraterna samt undersöka om den mediala och allmänt vedertagna föreställningen om SD-väljaren stämmer. Detta undersöktes med bivariata analyser och ett antal binära logistiska regressionsanalyser. Materialet som användes var ett dataset från European Social Survey från år 2012/13. De oberoende variablerna bestämdes utifrån vad teorin påvisade som möjliga förklaringsfaktorer för att rösta på ett högerextremt parti. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna var; teorin om massamhället, moderniseringens förlorare, xenofobi samt politiskt missnöje.

This Bachelor thesis deals with the act of the British Labour Party when they recalled a referendum promised by former Prime Minister Tony Blair. Tony Blair promised a referendum on the Constitutional Treaty, but his successor Gordon Brown later recalled it when the Lisbon Treaty succeeded the Constitutional Treaty as the legal foundation of the European Union.The main purpose of this thesis was to with help from various theorethical frameworks explain why the Labour Party decided to do this, even if this decision gave the main opposition party, the Conservative and Unionist Party (the Tories), the chance to heavily critisize the Labour Party, and picture them as traitors.The research questions were:? What are the reasons that the Labour Party went from being a Eurosceptical party, to become more pro-European?? Why did the Labour Party cancel the promised referendum on the new treaty of the European Union?Various answers were found for the first research question. Among the most important was that it was a part of the over all transition which led to the launch of New Labour.The second research question was answered with three explanatory models based on actions of the Labour Party on three arenas; the electoral arena (based on power, this model claims that the Labour Party act as they do because the know the Tories would not act differently if they were in office), the parliamentary arena (based on ideology, this model claims that Labour want the Lisbon Treaty because it has a stronger social dimension than earlier treaties) and the internal arena (based on the problem of identification, this model claims that the Labour Party identifies itself with the British government, and not just the voters, and are afraid of damaging Britain?s influence in the EU and international politics if Britain says ?no? to the Lisbon Treaty)..

AbstraktBegreppet främlingsfientlig använd's ofta i media om Sverigedemokraterna efter valframgångarna 2006. Indirekt ger detta väljarna samma stämpel. Är det främlingsfientlighet som får väljarna att rösta på partiet? Är det något annat väljarna vill ha sagt med sina röster? Vad tror Sverigedemokraterna's politiker är anledningen bakom framgången? Det vill jag ta reda på i denna uppsat's.För att uppnå syftet att få väljarna's uppfattning har jag genomfört ett femtiotal intervjuer där mer än hälften har varit Sverigedemokrater. Elva personer är dessutom ledande politiker inom partiet.