This essay examines the international communitys intervention in Bosnia. The purpuse i to give the reader a deaper understanding of the problems appeared in re-building the bosnianstate. Office of the higher representive (OHR), was to become the koordinator of therecontruction of the institutions and governance. The theory used fore the examination isstate-building, whith an alingnment of state-building trough the international community.The second part of the essay examine the ideas of the High representive (HR) trough threedifferent dimensions. The idea-analysies search to present the core of ideas of OHR, nationalparties and the reconstuction of media.

In this paper I propose a definition on what right-wing populism is, by comparing three right-wing populist parties; the Swedish Democrats in Sweden, the Danish Folks Party in Denmark and the Progress Party in Norway. This is also my question formulation. I have used the idea analysis to straighten out the concept of right-wing populism. The purpose of this paper is to make a definition of the concept of right-wing populism, since one seldom speaks of what right-wing populism is but rather only uses it with parties who want to decrease immigration. However is it much more to a right-wing populist party than just the immigration question.      I begin by discussing the previous research about populism and right-wing populism to see what conclusions previous researchers have made.

Before 1944 homosexuality was an act of crime and you could be sentenced to prison for up to 2 years. This law only included men, women where not thought having homosexual activities. Although homosexuality was not a criminal act after 1944 it was still on the list over Swedish diseases, a list maid by the Swedish board of social affairs.The years between 1978 and 1984 a study of the homosexual life in society was maid. The most important thing that this study showed was that homosexuality means that you love someone of your own sex, and that you aren?t different from the rest of the society, except that you choose to love someone of the same sex.The work for equality between these two groups started after 1979 when the Swedish board of social affairs took homosexuality of their list over Swedish diseases.

The aim of this study is to explain and analyse political steering of public libraries in Swedish municipalities and the roles of politicians and administrators in this process. To fulfil this purpose five municipalities have been studied. It is argued that both politicians and administration have to be included in a study of steering and that the relation between politicians and administrators should be seen as an interplay. Planning and evaluation are discerned as the two main activities in the steering process. The material in this study consists mainly of information collected through interviews with library responsible politicians and library managers in all five municipalities.The results show that libraries are considered politically uncontroversial and that politicians see little need for political interference and steering.

Since the 1970s voting behaviour has changed. Party identification and class voting has declined. As the electorate becomes more volatile, campaign strategy and party image becomes essential. Political communication and mass media now play an important role in election campaigns. Therefore, researchers take an interest in the impact of media on public opinion.

This thesis analyzes contemporary Swedish discourse on Russia, i.e. the ways Russia and Russians are perceived in Sweden today. After a summary of historical Western and Swedish perceptions of Russia, and a discussion about the treatment of these tensions within modern research, contemporary Swedish discourse is reconstructed based upon analytical articles in three major newspapers during the period 1992-2007. It is argued that the prevailing image of Russia contains the reproduction of old stereotypes and prejudices. The five major representations of Russia in contemporary Swedish discourse are: non-Western, unreliable, authoritarian, threatening and eternal, with the last one being a meta-representation functioning both as a representation of its own and a mechanism for the reification of the others.

This thesis examines the Swedish labour market with a focus on the immigrant part off the population. There are big differences between the immigrant and particular non-European immigrant part off the population and native Swedes. In the first part off this thesis I will show that immigrants in Sweden have a higher rate of unemployment, lower rate off employment, lower wage incomes, higher risk off unemployment and are overrepresented in low skilled, low status jobs. Even when controlling for different factors such as education level, knowledge in the Swedish language, age etc. a big gap remains.

The conflict in Vaxholm was an important event since it influenced the view upon the Swedish labour market. The entire Swedish model was questioned and questions about what the concept of solidarity stands for and for whom it is meant arose.The Swedish union, Byggnads, was harshly criticised for having acted in a discriminating fashion towards den Latvian workers and the Latvian company Laval un Partneri. The debate in the media was intense.My intention with this essay was to scrutinise the arguments in one of the most prestigious newspapers in Sweden, Dagens Nyheter, and to put the argumentation into a perspective of solidarity. I wanted to investigate how the different parties argued about solidarity. One of the conclusions I drew was that Byggnads needs to question their definition of solidarity and how they wish to express that in a new world more influenced by globalisation and immigrated labours..

Sweden became a member of the European Union in 1995. Consequently Sweden became obligated to implement the Working Time Directive 2003/88/EC (formerly termed 93/104/EC). At that time Sweden considered that their legislation already gave their employees as high level of protection as the directive prescribed. Instead they decided upon an adjustment of the collective agreements concerning working time. A particular EC-restriction was incorporated in the Working Hours Act (SFS 1982:673).

This paper is a critical evaluation of the Swedish system with special mediation. The district court has the opportunity, in cases that are amenable to out-of-court settlements, to refer the dispute to special mediation. However, this is extremely rare, even though the legislature expressed a desire to increase the use of alternative dispute resolution. In 2011, a series of measures were taken to increase the use of mediation and strengthen mediation attractiveness. What effect can be inferred from these actions today, over three years after their introduction? This study analyses the main reasons offered for why mediation is not used more, and what should be done to increase the use of mediation.

The study seeks knowledge about the Swedish euro-scepticism and about the work of the Swedish euro-sceptical Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). How do they work in an environment where the norm is to have a positive attitude towards a future federal state of Europe? How do they regard their own situation and possibilities to make a change?The study includes a debate on today's Swedish euro-scepticism as background. My finding about the MEPs? work is that their way of acting in the European Parliament does not distinguish from other MEPs? in large.

In Jaunuary 1995 Sweden became part of the European Union. Consequently Sweden agreed upon beeing part of a greater integration project with influences of federalism. However, many argue that the discourse that has been been dominant in Sweden is the discourse where we focus on the national state instead of the EU. In my essay I question whether the discourse about ?nationalstatslogiken? is found in the daily press in Sweden.

AbstractEssay in political Science (c-level) by Karin Forsling, Spring 2007A school for the best interest of the child? - The Swedish School System according to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.Supervisor: Stig MontinThe purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Swedish governments work with the im-plementation of this convention and what progress has been made. The inquiry of this study is to describe how the changing in the Swedish School System correspond to the national strat-egy for implementation of UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in Sweden and how the political protagonists.I have read some of the most relevant documents from the authorities and organisations work-ing with children?s rights in Sweden and papers and communications from the political pro-tagonists.Since UN Convention on the Rights of the Child was ratified by Sweden in 1990 the work for implementation has been quite successful but there are still lots to do. There are still some problems in School such as bullying, insulting, insecurity and lack of peaceful and harmoni-ous school environment.

No one believes in Åkesson - a comparative study on the evening press and the publicservice reporting on the Swedish Democrats before the 2014 election.The purpose of this essay was to study how Aftonbladet and Ekot reports about the SwedishDemocrats before the election 2014, as well as comparing the two medias and reasoningabout their agendas towards the party. The tabloid, Aftonbladet, is one of the biggestnewspapers in Sweden, which depends on counter sales and commercials. Ekot, which is apart of public service, is state-funded and regulated by certain guidelines. Using aquantitative method we studied 80 articles, and through a qualitative method, six of thearticles were analyzed to reach a deeper understanding. The theories primary used in thisstudy were agenda-setting and framing, to stress the power of media.

The aim of this paper is to make an investigation of how authoritative conceptual framework about immigrants as a group is being constituted in the discourse regarding Swedish language for immigrants. I will also examine what connections there are to the overarching integration discourse. While doing this I try to establish the contrasting relationship between the ?Swedishness? and ?the Other?. My theoretical framework consists of discussions regarding groups and the relation to homogeneity or heterogeneity in various ways and how We tend to construct the discourse in relation to the Other.