The aim of this essay was to determine 1. How Muslims were described in the Sweden Democrats official magazine and 2. What the purpose with their descriptions could be. The material, the SD-Courier was chosen due to it being an official magazine that was easily accessible. A hermeneutic method was used where each article selected was read several times to create a greater understanding for the material and the phenomenon within.

The aim of this study was to determine to what degree the framing of the political party the Sweden Democrats had changed in swedish media, from 2010 in contrast to 2012. Particular interest was directed towards the framing of the party as a problem.This was done by studying the news articles during 12 weeks in 2010, and 12 weeks in 2012, in the newspapers Aftonbladet and Expressen. These particular newspapers were especially interesting to study since they have been outspokenly critical of the party. Both of the newspapers can be said to be among the most clearly critical towards the Sweden Democrats.I studied 256 published articles retrieved through the news database Newsline. Quantitative content analysis was used to determine patterns and tendencies.

This essay is a discourse analysis of the integration politics of the different parties in the Swedish parliament and the non-parliamentary party ?the Swedish Democrats?, as it is presented on their respective web pages. The overall purpose is to problematize and shed a light on how the current discourse(s) about integration are constituted. Also of interest is how these construct our knowledge and experience of the phenomena. We furthermore want to illustrate the social consequences of such discourses on the construction and organization of identities and groups, and, as a result, the courses of action that becomes available.

The Swedish Prime Minister, Tage Erlander, made a speech on the 22 of August 1961 in which he dismissed speculation that Sweden was seeking to abandon its neutral stance and non-alignment in foreign policy with a view to requesting membership of the European Economic Community. The reason was that the EEC was supposed to have a political part where a connection with NATO should have existed. This speech led to a domestic discussion which has been called the most intense debate of foreign affairs in recent history. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the reactions of the other parliamentary parties to Erlander?s speech.

The aim of the current study was to examine the radical right-wing sympathizers in Sweden. To fulfill this aim, a quantitative case study on Sweden Democrats sympathizers was conducted. More specifically, this study has examined socio-economic backgrounds and political attitudes of the Sweden Democrat sympathizers. The results show that sympathizers of Sweden Democrats are higher among younger people and men. The results also show a higher support for Sweden Democrats among people with lower education and low income that also live in small towns and in the countryside.

The purpose of the essay is to make a comparative study between the Christian value parity and the Christian Democrats. To answer the purpose the following questions are asked: What are the similarities and differences between party programs? What are the similarities and differences in their origin? The theory used is based on Reidar Larlsson political ideologies, there were two ideologies used to apply on the result: conservatism and liberalism. The method was ideologies analysis. The result of the study shows that there were some similarities and some differences between the part programs.

This study analyses social age as a phenomenon and if unaccompanied refugee children has a social age that, according to the Swedish culture, do not correspond with their biological age and if so is, the reason for that. Furthermore, our study has discussed the potential consequences of the effects for the unaccompanied refugee children and the social age when interacting with Swedish society. According to our study, the social age is effected by other factors besides cultural norms, values and role expectations that a society has on a specific biological age. The results in this study shows that social age is a vital component to someone?s identity.

The aim of the study is to research if the Sweden Democrats portray themselves in a way that can be described as populistic and xenophobic and also if this portrayal has changed over time.In order to do so, the terms of populism and xenophobia has been defined by research and put together into two separate ideal types. Through the eyes of the two ideal types and their traits, four of the party programs of the Sweden Democrats have been researched to look at how they express themselves in the programs and if it can be connected to some of the traits within the two ideal types.The conclusion is that some of the traits are to be found in the programs, and that this also varies over time. From showing signs of both populism and xenophobia, the populistic traits become less over time, while the xenophobic ones instead increases..

Syftet med denna uppsats är att förklara vilka sociala och värderingsmässiga faktorer som ökar svenska väljares benägenhet att rösta på Sverigedemokraterna samt undersöka om den mediala och allmänt vedertagna föreställningen om SD-väljaren stämmer. Detta undersöktes med bivariata analyser och ett antal binära logistiska regressionsanalyser. Materialet som användes var ett dataset från European Social Survey från år 2012/13. De oberoende variablerna bestämdes utifrån vad teorin påvisade som möjliga förklaringsfaktorer för att rösta på ett högerextremt parti. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna var; teorin om massamhället, moderniseringens förlorare, xenofobi samt politiskt missnöje.

The Veiled Party: A Discourse Analysis of Sweden Democratic Texts aims to further the understanding of the underlying ideology of the Sweden Democratic party, by revealing whether or not there is any ideological content that include race, racialization, and racism in the party?s political texts. The study offers a background description of the discursive change in the social and political climate of debate in Sweden, which opened a policy window for xenophobic agenda setting. In addition, the study delivers a presentation of the public debate regarding the Sweden Democrats, as well as statements by party representatives.Through a social constructionist and discourse analytic framework, the study aims at understanding how the application of racial ideas are done and mapped. The core of the theoretical framework is a critical race and whiteness theoretical approach.

This paper examines, through questionnaire, how young students in upper secondary school in Malmo experience social integration. It also contain what they think should be done in order to improve the integration between youth that are ethnic Swedish and youth that have a foreign background. To understand the subject we started with a review over Swedish integration politic and its influence over Malmo and social integration in the country. We have used such theoretical starting points as identity and ethnicity in relations to the social surroundings, social affinity theory and flexible mindedness, making of groups among youth and factors to promote social integration. Our conclusion is that the experience of social integration between the two groups depends on how you experience yourself.

The purpose of this essay was to examine and compare what attitudes Swedish and Belgian social workers may have towards residential care and foster care for children and young people. To answer the purpose eight qualitative interviews with four Swedish and four Belgian social workers were made. The results were analyzed by theory of organization and professional acting space. The results of the study show that the social workers in both countries preferred foster care, especially for small children, and that the Swedish social workers had a more negative attitude towards residential care than the Belgian social workers. Even though the Belgian social workers preferred foster care, they found themselves forced to choose residential care due to lack of available foster care facilities, something that did not seem to affect the Swedish social workers.

The study aims to show how the publicity surrounding the Sweden Democrats have been during November in 2012 when polls for the party rose. The method that has been used is quantitative content analysis and a total of 215 articles from tabloids Expressen and Aftonbladet are encoded. The period of the encoded material has been in November 2012 and the variables have been designed to answer how much publicity Sweden Democrats have received during that period, any topic that the articles touched on, the actors that have been cited, if players have received criticism or praise, how the party looked like and if certain words were used in the articles.The theories of the study are based on agenda setting, priming, ?The spiral of silence? and democratic role of the media. They concern, among other things, how media sets the agenda for what people think is important and how after being exposed to something, subconsciously creates a feedback about the phenomenon.The results show that the Sweden Democrats have received much negative publicity at a time when their poll numbers increase, which goes against the established truth that says that positive publicity is beneficial to the parties while the negative publicity is adverse..

This paper is about the construction of a ?Swedish? identity in the novel Montecore: en unik tiger by Jonas Hassen Khemiri (translated in English to Montecore: the silence of the tiger). In the paper I start by, after a short introduction, introducing the theoretical background against which the novel will be analyzed. The main focus is postcolonial theories with Edward Saids work about making ?the Other? as a base.

The aim of this study is to illuminate social worker?s perception of social class within the Swedish social service system. This study therefor examine if social class contributes to the production and reproduction of the client and what impact social class has on the interaction between client and social workers. The study was conducted with qualitative semi-structured interviews with social workers from three different departments of social service. The theoretical approach is Yeheskel Hasenfeld?s theory about moral practices in welfare organisations, Michael Lipsky and Roine Johansson?s theories about client construction and Pierre Bourdieu?s class theory.