The purpose with this work is to describe the language that is built around the chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS) in Sweden. Our questions are: What does the professional field look like; who writes, about what and for which kind of readers? How do they describe the expressions and the upcoming of CFS? For which reasons can CFS be considered as a medical diagnosis/illness? How can CFS be understood from a social perspective? Our theoretical starting point is a social constructive theory and also Karin Johannisson's theory about medicalization and Foucault?s theory about power. We have from a literature-exposition of Swedish articles from 1989 to 2006, done a social constructive discourse analysis with help from Laclau & Mouffe's discourse theory, and Fairclough's model of social practices. In our textual analysis we found three dominating discourses: A medical discourse, a social/cultural discourse and a general/popular discourse.

The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood has since the start of the Syrian uprising in March 2011 moved from a low-key position in exile to become one of the main actors in the political opposition. There appears to be a consensus among researchers today on the democratic commitment of the Syrian Brotherhood. However, ambiguity remains regarding its commitment towards gender equality, women?s rights and participation. This essay focuses on the gender discourse of the Syrian Brotherhood?s leadership, according to its policy-documents, from 2004 ? 2013.

The Swedish emigrants, in 1901-1904, were displeased with their home country, so they moved to America with hope to find a better life. Even though they were displeased they still had a great love for their home country and tried to either create a ?new Sweden? (the Swedish-Americans), or they traveled back to their families, hopefully with savings big enough to buy their own home. Sweden did not have a homestead act like the Americans did, which probably is the biggest reason to the emigration. There was also the question of each individual?s right to vote.

This thesis is intended to respond to the extent to which South African textbooks on the subject of history is linked to the governmental policy documents and whether they are producing and reproducing national identity. The two textbooks are aimed at students in grade 10. Both books were produced in 2008 but published by different publishers.The essay is based on Norman Faircloughs critical discourse theory which has been supplemented by Michael Billings theory Banal Nationalism, which assumes that it is the national words that remind us daily of our homeland that is producing and reproducing national identity.  The survey shows that both textbooks are closely tied to the government policy document for the teaching of history. The textbooks refer to the policy, both explicitly and implicitly. The two textbooks reproduce a common national identity in South Africa based on the discussions taking place in society.

The aim of this master thesis is to examine high school students? understandings and experiences of gender equality and to critically study the formulations and the basis of the project from Save the Children Sweden which are the basis for this master thesis. By using critical discourse analysis and gender theories the formulations and basis of the project and the interviews has been analyzed. The analysis of the project showed neglect for intersectional perspectives and taken for granted hidden opinions about masculinities and femininities. The interviews have been conducted with four high school students, and the students felt that they attend schools which are equal between genders.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Swedish media framed the political party, the Swedish Democrats, two weeks prior to the election of parliament in 2014. This essay starts with the historical background of the political party, the Swedish Democrats, and continues with the theoretical framework for the essay. The theoretical framework consists of three theories: framing, media logic and media?s role in the democratic society. The essay?s main problem is presented as the question: What media image was there of the Swedish Democrats before the election of parliament in 2014? The main problem is answered by using a quantitative content analysis on the essay?s empirical material, 68 news articles from four Swedish daily newspapers.

Den här uppsatsen analyserar nationalistiska och sociocentriska uttryck i svenska skolsångböcker under 1900-talet. Med hjälp av kanonbegreppet, innefattande kringgärdande aktiviteter, analyseras sångböckernas innehåll som uttryck av olika typer av nationalism: politisk nationalism, kulturell nationalism och folkhemsnationalism. Även synen på andra kulturer fungerar i sångböckerna som ett sätt att upphöja den egna kulturen och nationen på..

This report was made for the company HordaGruppen AB to investigate how information security was handled. This report fits in the Master program of Internet Technology at School of Engineering in Jönköping University in Sweden.The question at issue was how you protect your information against different threats. One question was how to make an information security policy and which guidelines you can follow in the Swedish Standard, SS-ISO/IEC 17799:2000.Another question was to investigate the information sources at the company and which threats there are against it.The work begins with a presentation about information security for the chief of information and the chief of quality in the company. The next thing was to do a survey of as thing are at present with a tool from Länsteknikcentrum called ?Infosäkpulsen?.

The aim of this master-thesis is to investigate the emergence of bureaucratic drift in connection with implementation of EU-legislation in Sweden. To narrow it down I have chosen to look at the Swedish implementation of the Working Time Directive, directive 93/104/EG. To be able to fulfil the purpose of this master-thesis I have used two research questions; [1] How did Sweden implement the Working Time Directive into Swedish law? and [2] Why did Sweden omit to correct implement the Working Time Directive? To be able to understand and explain the situation I have used the principal-agent perspective as a theoretical framework. An analysis of motives has been used as analytical method.The results from the analysis show that Sweden, in order to keep the contractual model used on the labour market, which is a part of the well known Swedish model, shirked while implementing the directive and implemented as to be able to fulfil its own agenda.

This study aims to contribute to the existing research field of Swedish arms export by examining the motives behind how the Swedish government and ISP have warranted arms export to countries in or on the brink of armed conflict after the change in law in 2018. The current Swedish legislation from 2018 with its basis in international legislation does not allow arms export to countries in or on the brink of armed conflict, but it still occurs due to a law that allows for exceptions if the arms export aligns with Sweden's interest in security policy. Earlier research has been conducted in the field and stated that Sweden?s progressive brand makes it possible for Sweden to export arms and still come across as a peaceful country, and that the Swedish government is involved in the arms trade which is essentially a private market. The analysis uses the theory of militarization to establish possible motives and a theoretical framework.

This thesis focuses on how sewdish politicians try to argue to get other EU-countries to accept a larger responsibility for refugees. Since the war in Iraq broke out in 2003 there have been a great increse in the number of refugees arriving to Europe. Sweden have accepted a very large part of these refugees. This have sparked a debate in Sweden aboute how reasonable it is that sweden accepts a proportionaly much larger number of refugees than other countries within the EU. The swedish gouvernment policy is that responisbility for refugees and migration is something that should be shared by all members of the union.

The aim of the thesis is to study the differences in Sweden?s and Finland?s implementation of Temporary Protection Directive (TDP) and the deficiencies in Sweden?s and Finland?s implementation of TDP. To answer the aim two questions are formed: What similarities and deficiency can be found in Sweden and Finland implementation of Temporary Protection Directive? What deficiencies can be found in Sweden?s and Finland?s implementation of Temporary Protection Directive? The previous research has focused on why the directive was not activated in the events of 2015 and why it was activated 2022. The previous research has also shown that there is just research on the implementation of TDP in three countries, Poland, the Netherlands and Estonia.

The aim of this study is to discuss the diagnosis ADHD as a meaning-making discourse that is something more than just a diagnosis with a set of symptoms. I aim to discuss that the diagnosis is productive and can be seen as a means to control and to comfort individuals. The research was based on a method consisting of an idea analysis and a discourse analysis. I am using both a discourse analysis and a critical ideology analysis as perspectives. These perspectives are also based on a general theory of late modernity.

The main aim of this study is to examine the development policies of Sweden and the European Union from a postcolonial perspective. Sweden and the European Union are increasingly coming to be viewed as normative powers rather than military powers. So how does the colonial past of the western societies affect the policies of today? Are there any signs of the power structures of the past, and if so, how are these power structures manifested in the development policies of today? Since both Sweden and the European Union have come to be viewed as normative powers they are compared with each other to highlight their similarities and differences. The results of the study shows that both Sweden and the European Union can be seen as carriers of western values and interests.

The aim of this thesis is to seek understanding to how a national identity is constructed. Five women and five men at the age of 21-37 years old have been interviewed during November 2005 and January 2006. All of them lived Oslo at the time. The informants have been divided into two groups, `Swedish immigrants` and `Norwegian immigrants`, none of the people interviewed is ethnic `Swedish` or `Norwegian`. The empirical material has been analysed with the help of Billig´s theory about banal nationalism and Laclau and Mouffe´s discourse analysis.