Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka Sverigedemokraternas kriskommunikativa försvar efter kritiken som uppkom mot partiet i samband med högerextremisten Anders Behring Breiviks massmord på Utöya 2011. I detta har jag ur ett narrativt perspektiv undersökt partiledaren Jimmie Åkessons förklaring till krisen och hur denna samspelar med partiets interna berättelse. Den första delen av resultaten visar att Åkesson strukturerar ett narrativ där uppkomsten av krisen för Sverigedemokraterna förklaras genom att det bedrivs en häxjakt på partiet. Den andra delen av resultaten visar att Åkesson genom dikotomisering använder den uppkomna krisen för att förstärka Sverigedemokraternas roll som antietablissemangsparti. I hans krisberättelse tillskrivs kritikerna och Breivik liknande egenskaper, vilket betyder att de står som en gemensam bov i narrativet.

This study was conducted by using a qualitative textual analysis on UNICEF Sweden?s website with the purpose of problematizing the role of UNICEF Sweden in today?s globalised society. This was done in the context of how organisations of civil society have gained influence. Following questions were answered: How does UNICEF Sweden legitimise its operation? Which strategies does UNICEF Sweden use to encourage involvement and donations?The study shows how UNICEF Sweden legitimises its work by promoting a unique influence, their unique methods of work and by showing how the organisation helps the most disadvantaged children.

Syftet med studien är att utifrån Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjfilm undersöka hur de planerade kommunikationsverktygen profil, identitet och image tolkas utifrån tre olika perspektiv. Under studiens gång har vi genomfört strukturerade intervjuer med tre medlemmar inom Sverigedemokraterna, en semiotisk filmanalys av partiets valkampanjfilm och utfört enkätundersökningar med 100 röstberättigade elever vid Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet. Studiens resultat visar att Sverigedemokraternas profil stämmer överens med valkampanjfilmens identitet. Gällande image anser partiet att allmänhetens tolkning inte stämmer överens med partiets profil. Ett problem som Sverigedemokraterna säger sig ligga i att media har kommunicerat en felaktig bild av partiet. Vår semiotiska filmanalys visar att Sverigedemokraternas budskap framgår tydligt i valkampanjfilmen genom att visa hur invandringen kostar mycket, samtidigt som pensionärerna blir drabbade. Studiens resultat visar även att mer än hälften av eleverna på Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet hade en negativ inställning till Sverigedemokraterna och 70 procent ansåg att individerna i valkampanjfilmen framställs orättvist..

This research outlines studies about the relationship between social integration process of Japanese immigrants in Sweden and how social media assists in this process. The purpose of this research includes: To find out the reasons of migration to Sweden for six Japanese immigrants, any difficulties that they faced at the beginning of their immigration process and/or any positive qualities that they found in living in Sweden, whether they have accessed social media since they have moved in, if they do so, how the social media has been used and also, whether the social media has had a role to play in contributing to help their social integration process. In addition, it has been considered whether the participants have plans to return to Japan. In Sweden, there is relatively small Japanese migrant population. This social science research paper is the first in Sweden which explores the immigration process of Japanese migrants into Sweden.

This study was conducted by using a qualitative textual analysis on UNICEF Sweden?s website with the purpose of problematizing the role of UNICEF Sweden in today?s globalised society. This was done in the context of how organisations of civil society have gained influence. Following questions were answered: How does UNICEF Sweden legitimise its operation? Which strategies does UNICEF Sweden use to encourage involvement and donations?The study shows how UNICEF Sweden legitimises its work by promoting a unique influence, their unique methods of work and by showing how the organisation helps the most disadvantaged children.

Sweden?s animal legislation was adopted in 1988 and is one of the most rigorous legislations in the world. Despite this, Sweden import beef from countries where animal legislation is not in accordance to the Swedish legislation. The meat consumption in Sweden has, just like the importation of beef, increased while Sweden?s own beef production has decreased.

Over 40 miljon people in the world suffer from hiv/aids today. Africa is the continent that is worst affected by hiv/aids but how is the situation in Sweden? Why is it so quiet concerning hiv/aids in Sweden? Our aim with this work was to find out about the hiv/aids situation in Sweden and particulary in Malmö. The result of our research was that hiv/aids have increased since the year 2000 and most of the people had caught the infection in other countries than Sweden. This raised our curiosity concerning how immigrants/refugees are being treated when they arrive in Malmö and what are being done to stop hiv/aids from spreading further.We became very disappointed when we realised how little that is actually being done and how poorly the collaboration between the institutions are working.

This thesis analyzes how homonationalist and heteroactivist discourses are reproduced in the Sweden Democrats political communication between 2022 and 2025. Drawing on critical discourse analysis, the study examines a selection of key texts, including two Almedalen speeches by the party leader Jimmie ?kesson (2022, 2024), an extraction from a report produced by the party, and a parliamentary motion. The study is theoretically grounded in scholarship on homonationalism, heteroaktivism and populist radical right nationalism. It investigates how gender, sexuality and religion are discursively mobilized to define national belonging and construct boundaries between ?us? and ?the other?.

 The food-safety legislation in Sweden were changed and updated in 1996, much because of demands from the European Union for a common legislation regarding the food-safety issues in the EU. This report discusses how the Swedish authorities are dealing with the new legislation in Sweden. Further on the report presents how the food safety officers in the municipalities in Sweden are implementing this new legislation in their daily work, especially the requirements regarding the HACCP, Hazard Analysis Control and Checkpoints. The report shows that the implementation is quite slow and that many foodsafety-officers don?t implement the legislation in the same way all over the country.

This essay deals with the question of lines of development within the politics in the rural municipality of Nyed 1950-1962. The aim is to explore how local politics and policies were handled from two perspectives. Firstly the issue of conflict and consensus or majority rule and consensus. Here Arend Lijphard's theory of majority and consensus provides a theoretical base for the essay. Secondly the aim is to explore the actions of the local politicians with regards to leisure time policies to find out whether or not they ideologically belonged to the concept of ?folkhemmets kommun? by Ulla Ekström von Essen.The source material for this essay has been the minutes from the two major bodies of local politics in Nyed, kommunalfullmäktige and kommunalnämnden.

After being excluded from the Swedish Social Democrat party in 1917, the Revolutionary Socialists founded the Social Democrat Left Party. From this point onwards, the Social Democratic hegemony and dominant position within the Swedish workers movement and political landscape was challenged. This thesis aims to investigate the power struggles between these two parties, the Revolutionary Socialists and the Social Democrats, and their desire to influence control of the unions. Taking cues from earlier research calling for a more localized look at this struggle, this thesis turns to a case study of union matters of the the Factory Workers Union Local 84, at Västerviks Tändsticksfabrik, a match manufacturer and largest employer in the Swedish coastal town of Västervik from 1925 to 1930. Organizational material including meeting protocols, annual reports and member registration lists from the local political parties, cooperative union organizations (VFS) and Local 84 serve as secondary data sources.

Som tandhygienist är det mycket intressant att studera karies-epidemiologiska undersökningar på både nationell och internationell nivå. Syftet med denna litteraturstudie är att beskriva och jämföra kariesstatus (DMFT) hos 12-åringar i Sverige och Irak, och några av de faktorer som kan påverka DMFT komponenternas roll och inverkan. För att besvara syftet användes information från litteratur och tidskrifter samt WHO:s databas om länderna. Resultatet visar att DMFT för 12-åringar i Irak var 1.7 (2003) och i Sverige 1.0 (2005). DT-komponenten, d.v.s. obehandlad karies, var hög hos irakiska barn medan FT- komponenten var hög för danska barn (inga data tillgängliga för Sverige).

This degree project deals with the creation of a business system for Gamersneed Sweden. The system is divided into two parts, one windows appliction and one websolution..

This study is an examination of the stadium fever prevailing in Sweden. It is built stadiums in Sweden as never before. The high cost of these constructions end up in the end at the Swedish taxpayers. The study examines through the hedonic pricing of real estate how local residents value the new stadiums. The result indicates that local residents put a positive value in the costly and sumptuous buildings.

This degree project deals with the creation of a business system for Gamersneed Sweden. The system is divided into two parts, one windows appliction and one websolution..