This essay examines the indirect effects of the local strength of the Swedish Democrats on refugee acceptance in the Swedish municipalities. With statistical methods this essay has aimed to investigate if such effects exist and by using statistical data from three periods of time - 2002, 2006 and 2010 ? the investigation has been able to measure effects over time. Based on former research and reasonable expectations the hypothesis for the essay claims that the Swedish Democrats has got an indirect effect upon the refugee acceptance. With the statistical analyses made, the essay is able to conclude that the strength of the Swedish Democrats in municipality elections as well as the change of this strength between the elections does have a negative effect upon refugee acceptance in the Swedish municipalities.

Den här uppsatsen hade som syfte att undersöka sambandet mellan Sverigedemokraternas valresultat i kommunvalet 2006 och ett antal relevanta variabler utvalda i dialog med tidigare forskning och teoribildning angående väljarmobilisering för radikala högerpopulistiska partier (RHP). Sverigedemokraterna är landets största och mest inflytelserika RHP-parti och bygger sin politik framförallt kring en populistisk anti-etablissemangskritik samt en främlingsfientlighet grundad i den etno-pluralistiska doktrinen.Det finns många olika teorier angående väljarmobilisering för RHP-partier. Man har bl.a. menat att lågutbildade okvalificerade individer med små ekonomiska medel är mer benägna att rösta på RHP-partier än högutbildade och förhållandevis välbärgade individer. Arbetslöshet och nivå av invandring har därutöver lyfts fram som betydande förklaringsfaktorer.

Den här uppsatsen hade som syfte att undersöka sambandet mellan Sverigedemokraternas valresultat i kommunvalet 2006 och ett antal relevanta variabler utvalda i dialog med tidigare forskning och teoribildning angående väljarmobilisering för radikala högerpopulistiska partier (RHP). Sverigedemokraterna är landets största och mest inflytelserika RHP-parti och bygger sin politik framförallt kring en populistisk anti-etablissemangskritik samt en främlingsfientlighet grundad i den etno-pluralistiska doktrinen.Det finns många olika teorier angående väljarmobilisering för RHP-partier. Man har bl.a. menat att lågutbildade okvalificerade individer med små ekonomiska medel är mer benägna att rösta på RHP-partier än högutbildade och förhållandevis välbärgade individer. Arbetslöshet och nivå av invandring har därutöver lyfts fram som betydande förklaringsfaktorer.

The purpose of this study is to analyze what criminological theory explanations the Sweden Democrats use in their criminal politics. The three main questions from which we assume are: How do the Sweden Democrats approach crime? On which criminological theory is the Sweden Democrat?s policy of crime based upon? And which measures and preventive methods do the Sweden Democrats find appropriate to fight criminality? Our hypothesis is that the Sweden Democrat?s reuse/reproduce the Labeling Theory and that the party with its standpoints in this area and the rhetoric used, create a risk for individuals and/or groups of people to be labeled. The labeling can then contribute to increasing crime, in the form of the self-fulfilling prophecy. Our study is a qualitative study, based on literature studies.

The aim of this study is to describe the characteristics of right-wing populist parties in Europe. The three parties included in the study are the Swedish Democrats (SD), the British National Party (BNP) and the National Front (NF) in France. The study includes a definition of right-wing populism based on previous research and from that an ideal type of a right-wing populist party has been created. The material used in the study to verify how well the parties were consistent to the ideal type and what similarities and differences the parties in the study have are the parties? political programs and policies.

Syftet med arbetet är att undersöka om, och i så fall på vilket sätt, samhällskunskapsutbildningen påverkas av Sverigedemokraternas framgångar i skolvalet och riksdagsvalet, utifrån ett lärarperspektiv. Vi undersökte också om lärarna har upplevt någon attitydförändring hos eleverna vad det gäller främlingsfientlighet, intolerans och rasism samt tittat på vad lärarna anser om den nya läroplanen där samhällskunskapsämnet blir mindre på yrkesförberedande linjer. Detta görs med hjälp av kvalitativa intervjuer med fyra samhällskunskapslärare och resultatet analyseras utifrån teorier om olika demokratimodeller samt ett ?vi och dom? tänkande. Resultatet visar att undervisningen ser olika ut beroende på vilken demokratimodell som präglar lärarnas arbetsmetoder samt att lärarna ser olika på betydelsen av Sverigedemokraternas framgångar och vilken inverkan den har på undervisningen..

This thesis in Art History and Visual Science is about values to graffiti and graffiti artist Banksy. I have studied values relating to Banksy´s graffiti images through which context they are placed in and where they are located. I have selected two different images of Banksy as an example on the basis of a transnational phenomenon, where the images that circulate in the public arena by street art and other images and imported into the galleries and consumption market. My conclusion is that the values of the images are based on the context in which each room have its surroundings and that therefore the impression will increase. The public space context, signal availability and the white cube context indicates art, and the commercial context signals goods and items that can be bought.

This thesis analyses ideas of gender in the Swedish radical right. The aim of the study is to see if there are any differences or similarities in the way gender is being formulated by a populist radical right party as the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna), the extreme right party, Party of the Swedes (Svenskarnas Parti) and the extreme right movement Swedish Resistance Movement (Svenska Motståndsrörelsen). Ideas of gender are presented in the theory chapter which is used later on in the analysis to compare with the radical right organisations of Sweden. To fulfil the aim we have performed a comparative ideological analysis between the three organisations and the base for our analysis is texts from each organisation?s webpage.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att svara på frågan hur läsare och media reagerade på bloggen Black Ascot i egenskap av en litterär bluff, även kallad en litterär fabrikation. Målet är även att komma fram till hur mottagare av textbaserad kommunikation reagerar på att bli lurade. För att uppnå syftet undersöks läsarnas och medias reception av Black Ascot. Uppsatsen diskuterar även om det finns förklaringar till receptionen i bloggens litterära utformning. I analyserna framkommer det att diskussioner gällande framförallt autenticitet och moral uppstod såväl i media som bland läsarkommentarerna. Trots att negativa reaktioner förekommer i båda undersökningsgrupperna tyder resultatet på att en majoritet av bloggläsarna uppskattade bloggen även som en litterär fabrikation.

A controversial party?s entry into parliament - a review of Expressen?s depiction of the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna)The purpose of this essay was to study how Expressen presents the Sweden Democrats, as well as reasoning about the effects this depiction could have on the citizens? opinion. Using a quantitative method I studied 122 articles, and through a qualitative method four of these could be further analyzed to reach a deeper result. The theoretical perspective that was applied in this study was primary agenda-setting and framing theory, to illuminate the power of media. The result showed that a prominent theme was to present Sweden Democrats as racists.

The aim of this study is to describe ideas put forward by Sweden Democrats (Swedish: Sverigedemokraterna) about Christianity in Sweden and the Church of Sweden as a Folk Church, a church for a whole people, and how the political party uses Christianity as a part of constructing a Swedish identity. The investigation is based on official documents, newspaper articles, statements and political motions which are analysed using a form of text analysis called idea analysis. The theoretical frame of the investigation is founded on Claire Mitchell?s theory about religious content in ethnic identities and Einar Billing?s and Johan Alfred Eklund?s thoughts about what makes the Church of Sweden a Folk Church.The investigation shows, among other things, that the Sweden Democrats? view of the Church of Sweden is similar to the thoughts of Eklund but they differ in their lack of references to theology. The investigation also shows that Christianity serves as an important marker for the Sweden Democrats in creating a Swedish identity. .

The Sweden Democrats uses a term to describe a situation where ?swedes? are being discriminated against by other ethnic groups and where the elite is promoting this. The term ?svenskfientlighet? can be translated as ?swedofobia? and in this thesis a speech by the party leader Jimmie Åkesson held during the election campaign that solely was dedicated to this term is being analyzed with the help of tools developed by the scholar Ruth Wodak. Ruth Wodak has previously analyzed the rhetoric by other European right-wing-populist parties like FPÖ in Austria and has asked for other researchers to analyze the speech used by right-wing-populist and extremist parties to get a better understanding for just how these parties construct their different enemies.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutxenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

Sverige är idag ett land med etnisk och kulturell mångfald. Numera ser vi en ökad segregering och marginalisering i samhället, som måste motverkas. Det blåser högerextrema vindar i politiken, och det invandringskritiska partiet Sverigedemokraterna, som sitter i Riksdagen, menar att andra partier misslyckats med integrationspolitiken och att massinvandringen bör stoppas. Regeringens diskurs om integrationspolitik är något som gör anspråk på att vara sant och verkligt för detta ämne. Den konstituerar vad som är möjligt för den invandrade på så sätt att den integrationspolitiska diskursen reglerar exempelvis att alla har rätt till arbete, vilket på ett sätt utgör diskursens maktförhållanden.

The purpose of this paper is to make a qualitative content analysis. The used articles are taken from the time period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30 and the questions that this paper is based upon are:How do the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter define and diagnose the causes and problems of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-20?What kind of valuations and solutions does the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter provide of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30?Does the framing of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30 differ between the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter?The result of this paper shows that through the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter way of framing the Swedish democrats during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30, the society cannot get another picture of the Swedish Democrats than that they are a right wing populist party..