This paper examines the European Commission?s, newly established, ?Register of interest representatives? The analysis is divided in two parts, first I analyze the registers purpose, the kind, and detail, of information it contains and the different kinds of groups that are supposed to register. After that I analyze the organizations in the register more thoroughly, using a database of my own creation. The database was constructed with information drawn from the register, as well as information from external sources. Regarding the design and purpose of the register, I find that improvements in the design are needed, if the register is to fulfill its purpose.

This paper investigates whether there is a right not to suffer from poverty. The investigation is being conducted from the theoretical standpoint/view that only civil and political rights constitute justiciable rights and rights proper from a moral stance, whereas economic and social rights constitute mere political agendas or less.In the search of an answer to this question the content of economic and social rights, and thereafter civil and political rights will be outlined, followed by an inquiry of what should really be considered as rights. Finally, the arguments against economic and social rights as real rights is presented and scrutinized.This paper will conclude that the stated difference between the above-mentioned sets of rights is illusory and that the right not to suffer from poverty ought to have the same status as civil and political rights..

AbstractDet övergripande syftet med uppsatsen är att förstå varför det förekommit problem med färdtjänsten i Lund sedan seklets början. Vi undersöker dels vad det innebär att styra färdtjänsten med kontrakt och dels beställarkompetensen hos tekniska förvaltningen i Lund. Våra resultat visar på att styrformen i sig inte behöver orsaka problem, men att det troligen spelar in i detta fall eftersom förvaltningen inte haft tillräcklig beställarkompetens för att minska vissa transaktionskostnader av kontraktsstyrningen. Det finns även vissa indikationer på att utvecklingen av förtroende mellan aktörerna missgynnats av turbulensen under de första åren på seklet. Förvaltningen rekommenderas utveckla en mer omfattande beställandekompetens genom systematiska utvärderingar..

This thesis examines the relationship between OECD-DAC and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) within an aid efficiency context. The ability for these two actors to cooperate is highly important and determines the outcome for a major part of the development aid in the new millennium. The development agenda for the new millennium emphasizes aid efficiency as a key to a more successful aid, and this requires increased cooperation between all actors. The analysis made is a discourse analysis. The discourse of aid efficiency is analyzed, both its preconditions and results.The analyze finds out that there is a gap between OECD-DAC and CSOs in terms of how to handle aid efficiency.

This thesis examines the Swedish labour market with a focus on the immigrant part off the population. There are big differences between the immigrant and particular non-European immigrant part off the population and native Swedes. In the first part off this thesis I will show that immigrants in Sweden have a higher rate of unemployment, lower rate off employment, lower wage incomes, higher risk off unemployment and are overrepresented in low skilled, low status jobs. Even when controlling for different factors such as education level, knowledge in the Swedish language, age etc. a big gap remains.

This thesis is seeking to explain why policy change come about. This is done by applying a part of Karin Lindgrens dissertation Vad styr ledaren?. The research evolves around the term pressure and the hypothesis are that policy change come about when there is middle range pressure on the decision-maker. Low and high pressure results in no or small policy change.The thesis is done as a case study where the economic crisis in Thailand 1996-1999 makes my case.

This thesis discusses the 2007 elections in Kenya, and its aftermath. The aim is to examine whether or not ethnicity played a major role in the outbreak of violence that followed the referendum. As well as different theories and discussions on ethnicity, I will also try to explain the course of events by using theories of increased civil violence during a democratic transition, and the fact that weak political institutions can cause violence. My conclusion is that ethnicity has played a part in the violence, but is too simple to blame the events following the election on just that. A number of different factors all contributed to the outbreak, but all to a different extent.

In this thesis I examine the development and expansion of judicial power in Sweden. The concept of judicial review is defined and related to democratic theory, and the various forms of judicial review in use in Sweden are explained. The main focus is on the political and scientific discussion concerning judicial review since the mid 1970s. It is shown that judicial review so far has been used only to a limited extent and that the number of court cases has remained quite stable over time. The main cause of judicialization seems to be the supremacy of EU law following the Swedish EU membership in 1995 and the inclusion of the European Convention on Human Rights into Swedish law.

Our thesis is a single-case study in which we try to answer the question: Why didn?t the lobbygroup Eurogroup for Animals get enough support for their demands in the latest regulation regarding transport of animals? As an example of their cooperation with their memberorganisations, we have chosen the Swedish organisation Djurens Rätt. Through interviews with key-persons involved in the process and with the use of Jeremy Richardson's theory regarding lobbying in the EU, we found that there were many different factors that effected Eurogroup for Animals chances to get an animal friendly legislation. For example by setting too ambitious demands Eurogroup for Animals wasn?t considered to be a serious actor during the legislation process.

Over the past few years the Åland islands have attracted growing internationalattention as an example of how to successfully secure the position of a minorityregion, and in the current situation the government of Åland has an intention toextend the efforts of spreading the example of Åland. The purpose of this essay isto shed light on the political discussion about the example of Åland, andinvestigate the underlying political reasons for emphasizing the example of Ålandinternationally. Through interviews with leading politicians on Åland I analyzeÅland as a norm entrepreneur. The research shows that besides altruism, selfinterestis a factor behind emphasizing the example of Åland. The essay showsthat the theory of norm entrepreneurship also can be applied on an autonomousarea, but instead of influencing international organizations themselves, theautonomous area use norm entrepreneurship as a tool for influencing domesticpolitics..

Sedan 2002 har kommuner runt om i landet infört medborgarförslag med syfte att öka delaktigheten och dialogen mellan medborgarna och kommunen. Detta är ett projekt som prövar att införa deltagardemokratiska inslag inom ramen för den representativa demokratin.Uppsatsen bygger på en jämförelse vi gjort mellan Lund och Kristianstad kommun med avseende på hur väl dessa lyckats med införandet av medborgarförslag och vad som detta resulterat i. Materialet som vi använt oss av är framförallt de medborgarförslag som inkommit till de båda kommunerna men även intervjuer och relaterad litteratur. Vår slutsats är att det i båda kommunerna finns ett grundläggande problem när det gäller sammansättningen av de som deltar men även att kommunerna lyckats olika väl när det gäller uppslutningen och informationen kring medborgarförslag..

The fact that we apprehend certain phenomena as more convenient than others generate questions about what constitute and decide what we think of as normal and appropriate. The aim of this thesis is to explore the immense conception of power and authority through a narrower approach that focuses on the EU.With this in mind I examine the penetration of the neo-liberal ideology in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe to see if there are any implications for hegemony. This is achieved through a discourse analysis which is strengthened with empirical cases of EU policies.The result of the discourse analysis of selected parts of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe reveals that there are in fact tendencies which indicate that our society and reality is dominated by a neo-liberal hegemonic discourse. Subsequently the contemporary discourse broadly infiltrates the entire European Union, and therefore also its member states..

Genom en litteraturbaserad teorikonsumerande metod undersöks konsekvenserna av att konsociationalismen tillämpats för att nå konfliktlösning i Nordirland som om mycket realiserats genom förvaltningsstrukturen. Både konsociationalismen och förvaltningen visar sig besitta inneboende problem. Då konsociationalismen inte uppfylls till fullo kan detta komma att påverka det fortsatta samarbetet och därmed fredssituationen negativt. Förvaltningen å andra sidan kan i dagsläget inte uppnå grundläggande demokratiska principer såsom folklig medverkan. Tillräcklig uppmärksamhet har inte riktads mot vikten av en väl fungerande förvaltning, trots att denna besitter förmågan att påverka både attityder och den grundläggande motsättningen i ett konflikthärjat samhälle.

This study aspires to find an answer to what makes a negotiation for peace successful. In our pursue to do so we have chosen two cases to compare with each other through a set of different theories. The theories we believed could be relevant were ripeness/readiness, asymmetry, the strategies of mediation, intra-state conflicts and personal actors.The case-study consists of two negotiations that both took place in Camp David. The first one was between Egypt and Israel, 1978, and serves as the example of a successful negotiation. The second case was, again, with Israel but the counterpart was Palestine and took place in year 2000.

This paper is an attempt to distinguish the specifics of the conflict resolution process and the negotiations during trade conflicts. First of all, this kind of conflict almost always contains some kind of protectionism which doesn?t make sense economically. Imposing trade-barriers decrease the overall welfare of your own nation and the only winner is the protected sector. These policies can be introduced since the political pressure from threatened industries is usually much stronger than the pressure from the consumers who will bear the burden of protectionism.