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1014 Uppsatser om Statsvetenskap - Sida 59 av 68

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The EU Services Directive has caused an intense debate across Europe. Its purpose is to remove obstacles to trade and to open up the public sector to increased competition. The Swedish labour movement has been deeply involved in the policy process, and union leaders have proclaimed the compromise reached in the European Parliament in April 2006 as a success.In the paper two major aspects have been considered: the meaning of the Swedish model and the process of Europeanization. The Swedish model previously allowed for a strong labour movement, through a social democratic hegemony, but the EU membership has implied new conditions for union influence. The paper examines how this change has affected the strategic choices of the Swedish labour movement, and how it has been manifested in the union's work with the Services Directive.

COP15 - Jakten efter ett ambitiöst och globalt klimatavtal. -Vad motiverar Danmark att verka för ambitiösa bindande klimatmål?

Until recently the Danish government was hesitant about whether investments in climate and energy policies were the right strategy for Denmark. Today the Danish government argues that during the forthcoming climate conference in Copenhagen in 2009 (COP15), the world's countries must agree upon ambitious climate objectives. Denmark is together with EU-27 aiming at an ambitious climate agreement. This thesis intends to contribute with an understanding of why Denmark, both politically and economically, invests profound resources into committing the world's countries to a climate agreement. The study uses both a neoliberal institutionalism and a constructivist theory in analyzing the Danish engagement.

Fundamentalism och terrorism ur strukturella förändringar, förhindrad subjektivitet, produktion och reproduktion av diskurser Ett alternativt analytiskt ramverk för konfliktlösning

This essay criticizes common theories within the three traditional perspectives, conflict management, conflict resolution and conflict transformation, for not being able to explain and/or generate solutions to the problems of fundamentalism and religious terrorism in a satisfying manner. This essay is trying to synthesize an alternative analytical framework that better can explaining these phenomena and generate potential solutions. The frameworks ontological ground is laid out using different readings of Foucault, thereby seeing the subject as formed by discourses, material processes and institutions. Fundamentalism and terrorism are seen as a violent resistance to repressed subjectivity, but the form of resistance depends on the discursive and non discursive surroundings. This gives rise to different forms of resistance; the production of discourses and founding of groups and the entry of marginalized people in these groups.

En plattform för det fria ordet En studie om hanteringen av extremism vid fyra svenska universitet

This master thesis? purpose is to examine the role of Swedish universities in the prevention of extremism and terrorism. Depending on how the universities look upon their role in preventing extremism and promoting democracy among their students, extremism can either flourish or be restrained in the higher learning environment. An unclear standpoint against extremism from the universities side could make it possible for extremism to prosper at the universities, and students with extremist opinions may be radicalized and recruited to extremist organizations and terrorism. What are the universities standpoints in the matter whether universities should promote democracy and prevent and restrain extremism and the recruitment of students to extremist organizations? During the study I have mainly been using primary material in the shape of semi structured interviews with predecessors of four Swedish universities.

Acehkonflikten - en analys med identiteten i fokus

A violent conflict emerged in the Indonesian province of Aceh in 1976, with the rebels of the Free Aceh Movement, GAM, on one side, and the Indonesian government on the other. GAM demanded Aceh to become independent, but the Indonesian government did not accept their nationalistic claims. The conflict therefore lasted for almost thirty years, and many civilians were killed during this period. This essay deals with this particular conflict; its causes and its solution. In the centre of the analysis we find theidentity of the Acehnese people, and the way in which this identity has beenconstructed and re-constructed throughout the history.

Konfliktlösning i Indonesien - En komparativ studie av konfliktlösning i Indonesiens provinser Aceh och West Papua

Uppsatsen är en komparativ studie av konfliktlösningen i Indonesiens provinser Aceh och West Papua. Att förstå och förklara de likartade fallens olika utslag i konfliktlösning har varit huvudsyftet med studien, då Aceh idag uppnått fred medan Papua är mycket oroligt trots likartade försök från regeringens sida till konfliktlösning i provinserna. Ytterligare syften har varit att applicera lärdomar från Aceh attraktiva för Papua, liksom att generellt kunna identifiera svagheter och styrkor i konfliktlösning. Human needs -teorin har utgjort det teoretiska ramverket med fokus på mänskliga behov som säkerhet, identitet, erkännande och politiskt deltagande, vilka bör vara föremål för konfliktlösningen, samt vikten av en medlande tredje part. Special Autonomy Law applicerades på provinserna 2001 utan större framgång delvis, p.g.a.

Solidaritet möter säkerhet - Vad 'immigranterna' får representera i immigrationspolitisk diskurs

This essay concerns the notion of how immigration politics, defined as a political discursive structure that explains and justifies how and why the movement of people into a state's territory is restricted and controlled, has come to present its purpose not as solidarity with the 'immigrants' wanting to enter the state but as a protective measure for the state's citizens. By using discourse theory combined with theories from the International Relations field I attempt to explain why and how such a discourse positions 'immigrants' as a threat to the state.First, I concentrate on why an immigration politics discourse would position 'immigrants' as a threat. I argue that in order for people to construct their identity, the 'outside' what they "are not" has to be repressed. In the same way, the state has to dislocate the "outside" and create threats to uphold its supremacy. These boundaries are set to create a feeling of predictability and security, and ultimately they are a way of making peoples' "world" coherent.

Sekularism och politisk islam. En analys av antagonismen mellan två diskurser i Turkiet - den kemalistiska och den islambaserade

This paper concerns the divide between secularist and anti-secularist groups in Turkey, which is related to a greater antagonism between a Kemalist and an Islamic political discourse, dominant in Turkish politics since the 1980s. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the causes of the conflict using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The second aim is to analyse the contents of each discourse and identify the main points of conflict between them. The empirical material used in the study consists exclusively of secondary sources treating the topic, and these are analysed using the theory of identity conflicts, which is part of Laclau and Mouffe's theory. It will be argued that the attempts of Kemalism to impose strict secularism by hegemonising the concepts of ?modernity? and ?Islam? led to the creation of an alternative political discourse based on political Islam.

Nationella identiteter i det återförenade Tyskland En studie om hur fyrtio års separation av den tyska nationen i BRD och DDR har påverkat den tyska identiteten

Abstract (magisteruppsats, 61-80p)This paper is concerned with the national sentiments in the Federal State of Germany,regarding the east- and west-German cleavages, since the unification of the country in 1990.The point of departure is the nationalistic theory crafted together by the scholar AnthonyDavid Smith, which implies an ethno-symbolistic perspective on the dynamics of nations.The main question in the paper is to which extent you can consider the East- and WestGermans to be a unity, considering the past and the forty-year-division. For this reason theauthor basically uses two different sources: scientific books and the German journal DerSpiegel.Founded on Smith's theory, the study contains a broad explanation for national identities incontemporary states, which ranges from pre-modern times, when the ethnic communities werecreated, to the national world of today.The discontinuity of the German case, represented by the separation 1949-90 of the Germannation into two entirely different societies, makes it possible to draw conclusions about whichfactor that has the pivotal impact on national identities.The result turns out to be that the national historical core-values and symbols of the currentGerman state and nation are more profound than the splitting national sentiments. Thus theGerman nation is likely to recover from its Cold War break-up.Keywords: German unification, A. D. Smith, Nation and nationalism, National identity, DerSpiegel.

Kvinnan - utan betydelse i transitionsprocesser? En analys av kvinnoorganisationers betydelse för styrelseskicket i Afghanistan, Rwanda och Sydafrika.

Vi har i vår uppsats undersökt kvinnoorganisationers betydelse för styrelseskicket i tre länder, Afghanistan, Rwanda och Sydafrika, i samband med en transition. Vi har tittat på en rad olika faktorer som i vilken omgivande kontext organisationerna verkar och vilken ställning kvinnan generellt sett haft i samhället före och efter transitionen. Vi har i vår analys utgått från Georgina Waylens teorier om kvinnoorganisationers betydelse för transitionerna i Sydamerika och de före detta sovjetiska staterna i Östeuropa. Hon menade att kvinnoorganisationer i Sydamerika har haft större betydelse vid transitionen än de i Östeuropa, men att de blivit marginaliserade i senare skeenden av transitionen. Hon pekar också på den omgivande kontexten som en vikig faktor för vad kvinnoorganisationerna betytt i de olika länderna, till exempel vilka rättigheter kvinnor haft innan och hur det civila samhället varit format.

EUropean identity På (o)lika villkor?

Ever since the nation-state has existed identity has been a big deal, it is told that identity is a tool needed to be able to receive consensus from the people concerned on a certain matter. As the European Union is continuously shaped and reshaped due to changing geographical borders, as a consequence of new member-states the aim to integrate the Union equally across its surface has not been an easy task to solve. A lack of trust from the inhabitants in the European Union is a fact, and therefore the main duty of the Union has become to rebuild the trust from beginning to end, creating a Union which easily can be identified with. Since the process of national identity relies upon an excluding-including process and the use of the Other, the identification process on an European level has indeed had fierce effects on the inhabitants within and outside the Union.One of many things that this essay aims at showing is how mythmaking has become a way used by the elite in the Union to integrate a European identity, the myths refer back to a Golden Age when Europe was prosperous and in bloom. Among other tools used to integrate and create a European identity we find such as; unity in diversity, a cultural inheritance based on common denominators such as Christianity and Latin traditions, symbols and a European citizenship.

"Få kvinnor i maktens hjärta" En komparativ studie av debatten kring könskvotering till svenska bolagsstyrelser

Denna studie behandlar den mediala debatt som följde dåvarande vice statsministern Margareta Winbergs uttalande i SvD i november 2002 om att könskvotering skulle kunna komma att bli aktuell såvida det inte skedde en naturlig ökning av andelen kvinnor i publika och privata börsnoterade bolagsstyrelser. I studien analyseras hur hotet om könskvotering möttes och en jämförelse görs mellan de idéer som är framträdande i det svenska näringslivets och den allmänna samhällsdebattens inställning till hotet om könskvotering till svenska bolagsstyrelser mellan åren 2002 och 2006. Debatten är ambivalent och ofta medveten om underrepresentationen av kvinnor inom näringslivets bolagsstyrelser. Näringslivsdebatten fokuserar på konsekvenser av könskvotering för dem som skulle komma att direkt beröras av lagförslaget om könskvotering, företag. Den allmänna samhällsdebatten fokuserar på hur samhället i stort skulle komma att påverkas och hur den allmänna ordinära kvinnan skulle komma att beröras av lagförslaget i arbetslivet.

IT och globalisering. En essä.

Syftet med detta arbete har varit att undersöka huruvida informationsteknik skapar möjligheter för tredje världen att utvecklas eller om IT i stället ökar klyftan mellan industriländer och utvecklande länder. Centralt i min diskussion har varit frågorna om globalisering och IT kan bidraga till en ny politisk ordning som grundas på dialog och samtycke i stället för våld och makt samt om globalisering och IT kan bidraga till en mer rättvis värld. Teoretisk utgångspunkt har varit Andrew Linklaters teori om "the triple transformation of political community". Tanken bakom den tredelade transformation är att skapa ökade sociala relationer som är mer universalistiska till sin natur, mindre ojämlika samt mer känsliga för kulturella skillnader. I mitt arbete påvisar jag tendenser till att informationstekniken kan bidraga till ökad universalism samt till ökad känslighet för kulturella skillnader.

Studentföreningen Spartakus i Linköping 1969-71 : en kvalitativ studie av dess politiska verksamhet och relationer

The aim of this thesis is to examine the politics and activities of the Social Democratic students´ association Spartakus. Their relationships and political and ideological differences towards the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the remaining parts of the Social Democratic youth organisation (SSU) in Linköping during 1969-1971 are examined. To fulfil this aim I have studied relevant literature and interviewed people who were active in Spartakus, as well as people from SSU and SAP in the municipal during the period. I have also studied written material produced by the students´ association itself during the period. The theoretical frame of reference consists of Dahl´s theory on a democratic political order, and party theories like the mass party theory of Duverger, theories from Sjöblom, Panebianco, Lipset and Tingsten and also Gidlund&Möller´s theory about different kinds of party members.

Från väpnad oppositionsgrupp till politiskt parti- En komparativ studie om transformeringen och institutionaliseringen av RENAMO, FRELIMO och SWAPO i Moçambique och Namibia

This thesis explores and compares the former armed opposition groups; Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO), Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) and South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) transformation processes into political parties. The first question addressed is; What factors determines the ability of these armed opposition groups to transform into political parties after armed conflict? The question is addressed through four structural and organizational factors; international involvement, the organizations ideology and identity, their ability to change inter-elite relationships and their ability to change collective incentive strategies. The second question addressed is if the transformations process can affect the parties? degree of institutionalization? The degree of institutionalization is examined through the party's adaptility, complexity, autonomy and coherence.

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