Vattendistributionsproblem är ett allvarligt hinder för utveckling i fattiga länder. Världsbankens strategi för utvecklingsländer har sedan 80-talet styrts av neoklassisk teori, vilket i praktiken har haft stor betydelse för privatiseringar av statligt ägda företag. Påtryckningar från Världsbanken ledde till att Vattenverket SEMAPA i staden Cochabamba, Bolivia, år 1999 lades ut till försäljning. Företaget Agua del Tunari tog över driften och chockhöjde vid tillträdandet i november vattenpriserna. Privatiseringen och höjningen av vattenpriserna ledde till att folkrörelsen La Coordinadora bildades och efter massiva protester och upplopp våren 2000 tvingades den bolivianska regeringen att riva Agua del Tunaris kontrakt.

Vår utgångspunkt är att de attityder som finns gentemot jämställdhetsarbete på en arbetsplats i hög grad bestämmer hur väl arbetet fungerar. Syftet med uppsatsen är således att undersöka attityderna i offentliga organisationer för att se möjligheter och svårigheter i arbetet med att nå jämställdhet. Studien tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i demokratiteori och alla människors lika värde, vilket motiverar det feministiska projektet genom att se jämställdhet som en demokratisk rättighet. Feministisk organisationsteori lägger grunden för studiens analys. För att ta reda på attityderna har vi genomfört en enkätundersökning inom skola och polis då vi menar att dessa institutioner har ett viktigt demokratiskt ansvar.

One aim of this thesis has been to trace the driving forces among active members of the Swedish Pensioners? Interest Party (SPI), but also to render how party values and ideas are connected to the concepts of is-sue space, distrust, and New Party Politics (mainly populism). Since there are several pensioners? parties in other countries, my second aim has been to investigate whether the party is a result of a diffusion proc-ess of copying a successful equivalent party; in other words to find out whether a master frame has inspired the forming of a Swedish pension-ers? party. Through interviews and document analysis, I have found seven issue dimensions explaining the motives behind my respondents? engagement in the party.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine and analyze why, in the case of Afghanistan, the government chose to establish a highly centralized political system, when from a democratic standpoint a less centralized system would be preferable.The time period that is examined span from 2001 when the so-called Bonn-Accord was signed, to the parliamentary elections held in 2005, a period often referred to as the Bonn-process.The theoretical framework examines both the complex relations between federalism and democracy, as well as the relation between federalism and the role of existent ethnic minorities. The theoretical framework is then used in order to explain why it would be problematic to create a federal system in Afghanistan under the present circumstances.The conclusions that can be drawn are the following: In case of the republic Afghanistan the creation and implementation of a highly centralized political system was the only possible way for the government to be able to cope and practically deal with the problems of existent ethnic antagonism and regional warlords in order to create a stable political situation in the country..

Vår uppsats handlar om kommunpolitiker som blivit förtroendevalda utan tidigare erfarenhet av partiarbete eller förtroendeposter. Då partiernas medlemstal sjunker finns det skäl att tro att fenomenet kommer att bli vanligare. Syftet med vår uppsats är att minska kunskapsbristen som råder kring politisk oerfarenhet. Gruppens egna berättelser formar vår uppsats. Genom samtalsintervjuer med åtta politiska nykomlingar har vi tagit del av synen på inträdet i politiken och politikerrollen.

Deliberative politics offers a new and exiting way of overcoming the problems that the western democracy of today is facing. A lot of research in the most recent years have had the goal to replace the representative democracy with a decision-making frame built on decentralization and deliberation. The goal for this essay is to create a framework for local decision-making, based on deliberativ norms, that could work as a complement to the representative democracy instead of replacing it.During the recent years the so-called "brukarråd"; councils for the most common users of one special public service, has been a new way for the local government to get in direct contact with those who are most affected by changes and developments in the specific area of the public administration. In this essay I argue for that these councils should be designed so that they could house deliberative processes.After creating a model for the possible way of designing the "brukarråd" I compare the framework with the system that exists today. In this way there is a possibility to point out if there is a way to deepen the democracy within the already existing system..

The essay discusses underlying racism in the Swedish community and has, as a specific purpose, to illustrate and analyze how images of immigrants are constructed in a local setting. The questions at issue are: What established conceptions about racism exist and how are immigrants described by the youth in Sweden? Which racist manifestations are evident? To answer these questions, twelve interviews with students from an upper secondary school in Lund are done. Discourse analysis and other central aspects to alienation such as categorization and stereotyping, concepts about ?the Others? and underlying racism, have been used to analyze the interviews.

Effekterna av en arbetsmigration känns mest av dem som blir kvar. Kvinnorna, som är i fokus i denna uppsats, får andra och utökade uppgifter i hushållet när mannen åker för att arbeta i ett annat land. De blir de facto hushållsöverhuvuden. Makten, som här definierat som makt över och makt till, är inte konstant utan ändras efter omständigheterna såsom exempelvis migration. Frågan som ställs i uppsatsen är om kvinnorna upplever att de får mer makt och om denna upplevelse förändras när maken kommer tillbaka.Uppsatsen är baserad på intervjuer med kvinnor från en by i syd- västra Serbien (Serbien/ Montenegro).

This thesis examines the power of developing countries within the World Trade Organization (WTO). The research question is if there is a change in the power relations between developing countries and developed countries from the establishment of the WTO in 1995 and until mid 2006, and if so, why this change is taking place? The thesis has its theoretical starting-point within regime theory and views it from a critical theoretical perspective. A multidimensional why of dealing with the concept of power is being used to answer if there is a change in the power relations? The conclusion is that there is a small change in the power relations and that the developing countries are gaining more, but limited power.

The purpose of this thesis is to shed light on a present trend of professionalization in Swedish local environmental politics, which have recently seen a decline in active participation of the citizens in favor of an increased governmental regulation. With the aim to closer investigate this relatively new phenomenon, the paper is a qualitative single case-study of environmental policies in the Swedish municipality of Karlskrona. In this case, the municipality is obviously balancing between regarding the interests of the national level and the interests of its own citizens at the same time. This motivates the use of system-theory, and relates to the classical political paradox between participation and efficiency which is also a present theme in the paper.This text-analysis based on interviews with personnel and documents from the municipality shows a visible trend of professionalization in the local politics of the municipality of Karlskrona, from a large grade of participation and a strong bottom-up approach in the days of Agenda 21 to now being more strongly top-down defined by national environmental objectives and principally operated on a professional level..

Miljödebatten har de senaste 30 åren intensifierats. Det är viktigt att samhällets alla aktörer bidrar i miljöarbetet och då framförallt kommuner som på lokal nivå sätter upp mål för hur miljön kan förbättras. Mål som offentliggörs genom en miljöpolicy som även innefattar ett pedagogiskt spridningssyfte. Arbetet med miljöpolicyn i Lunds Kommun härstammar från Agenda 21 och dess tankar om ekologiskt hållbar utveckling, tankar som genom ett omfattande förankringsarbete ska genomsyra samhällets alla skikt och i grunden förändra människors miljömässiga tänkande och beteende. Miljömålen är formulerade i det lokala handlingsprogrammet LundaEko som för perioden 2006-2012 även lägger upp strategier och kommunal ansvarsfördelning.Uppsatsen reder därmed ut hur miljöpolicyprocessens fundamentala komponenter - hur den karaktäriseras, skapas, sprids och uppfattas - fungerar och synkroniserar i en svensk framgångsrik miljökommun, Lund.Nyckelord: Miljöpolicy, Hållbar utveckling, Agenda 21, LundaEko, Instrumentell organisationsteori, Lunds Kommun.

Taiwan's recent democratization seem to have rallied a wider support of the notion of a national identity amongst its citizens which in the year 2000 led to the election of the pro-independence party DPP and President Chen Shui-bian. Meanwhile, China insists on the "one country, two systems" formula, regarding Taiwan as merely a Chinese province, and continues to fight any Taiwanese initiative towards sovereignty. Through a narrative perspective, this essay analyzes the self-conscious national identity-building quest embarked upon by DPP and President Chen Shui-bian. The analysis consists of three parts. Firstly, a text-analysis of President Chen Shui-bian's speeches is conducted to examine in what way he enforces and legitimizes the identity-building-process through narratives.

This thesis examines the possibility of Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? getting their demands of a gender equal society fulfilled in the new state which was initiated in 2005 when Evo Morales became the first president representing the indigenous people of the country. By using a qualitative method I have showed that although the Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? historically has been significant political actors for social change in the country, with representation at both regional and national level, Bolivian women are still subordinated in the social and political sphere. By applying a feminist intersectional perspective which takes its point of departure in a understanding of power as multidimensional, where gender, ethnicity and class are constitutive principals, multiculturalism theories and a social movements theory framework, I have found that even if institutional changes, that opened the system increased the indigenous women?s social movements political participation in Bolivia, power structures based on gender limited their possibilities to influence both socially and politically.

With the expansion onto the international market almost a decade ago, Swedish energy corporation Vattenfall began it's breaking and burning of coal on German soil. Criticism aimed at Vattenfall peaked in the mid 2000s with the revelation of large quantities of carbon dioxide emissions and the re-location of villages and graveyards in German states Brandenburg and Saxony. The purpose of this thesis is to show where the responsibility for these activities lie. By analyzing the history of, and the political debate surrounding, Vattenfall, I will show that the prevailing policies of right- as well as left-wing parties in the 20th century were all, regarding this matter, market oriented. I will also show that these market promoting policies made possible a situation where the transparancy of, and state control over, Vattenfall were close to eliminated.

In order to fully grasp the phenomena 'City' we must understand its political structure as an integrated part of its physical structure and vice versa. This thesis focuses on one crucial element of the City, the public space, and discusses it in relation to the public realm, or sphere, of the City. The aim is to see if it is possible to conceive public space as a spatial dimension of power, and if so, how to analyse this. With the help of the theoretical tool of two ideal types of the configuration of public space, "The city as civic public life" and "The city as authoritarian control" an empirical study is carried out on the case of Prishtina, capital of Kosovo.Conclusions made are that function and use of a city's public spaces can be understood in relation to changes in the political climate of the society. Furthermore, a void in the asset of concepts offered by the ideal types is found ? and therefore also need for new concepts to describe and understand a public space undergoing a dynamic transformation, as being a part of a city in political transition..