Citizenship and immigration policy are controversial aspects of the European integration project. Fourteen years ago Roger Brubaker stated that the vital differences between German and French citizenship policy were unthinkable to harmonise. This paper therefore seeks to investigate whether the old image of the two countries are accurate. By evaluating citizenship and immigration policies in today's context with the increasing influence of European Union policy I here present a more correct picture of the situation in both countries. Partly to see how the harmonisation has come this far.

"Race" is often used as a marker to exclude people from a society. What is interesting is not so much what terms that are used to describe people, but by what meaning they are associated with. For this thesis articles published in daily magazines have been the material used. An argument driven in the essay is that identity and oppression is not constituted from one subject position, but from several, such as class, sexuality and gender. The first question posed is how "race" is constituted through discourses throughout the subject positions class, sexuality and gender.

After the tsunami disaster in December 2004 many arguments were heared that one oft the major reasons behind the poor Swedish effort connected to the evacuation and health care of the Swedish citizens in Thailand right after the incident is the Swedish model with independent government authorities. By comparing the constitution, the political decision making tradition by the ministers and the handling of the catastrophe in the tree Scandinavian countries Denmark, Norway and Finland, plus analysing the behaviour of the Swedish foreign and prime minister from a rational choose inspired individual decision making theory the research shows that there is no proof that a constitutional change in Sweden into the traditional model with government authorities controlled by the ministers alone would led to a more effective crisis handling by the government due to crises concerning Swedish citizens out states. Although the research shows that the constitution and the tradition of decision making in the government provides the basic condition of the ministers individual rational decision making.

Sweden is seen as one of the world?s most feminist societies. In January 2009 all grounds of discrimination were merged into a common law; Diskrimineringslagen. This paper examines representations of gender discrimination, linked to feminist perspectives, in the Parliamentary debate on Sweden?s new discrimination legislation through a discourse analysis.

Anhöriga bär en stor del av ansvaret för äldre men i olika lagar och riktlinjer diskuteras sällan anhörigas roll eller samhällets ansvar för anhöriga. Hemvårdsbidrag är ett kontantbidrag som ges av kommunen till en person i ordinärt boende för att betala en anhörig för utförd hjälp i hemmet. Vilka effekter ett hemvårdsbidrag får som stöd för anhöriga problematiseras sällan. Är det så att pengarna fungerar som ett stöd eller är det ett sätt för samhället att fly från sitt ansvar? Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka och analysera några biståndsbedömares syn på vem som har ansvar för äldres omsorg; samhället eller anhöriga? Vidare är syftet att studera biståndsbedömares syn på hemvårdsbidrag, hur hemvårdsbidraget påverkar situationen för de anhöriga och om detta resonemang skiljer sig beroende på i vilken typ av stadsdel biståndsbedömarna arbetar. I den kvalitativa studien görs dels en litteraturstudie och dels intervjuas åtta biståndsbedömare i åtta olika stadsdelar i Göteborg.

Abstract Denna studie har vi ägnat åt att undersöka PRS-dokumenten, vilka innefattas under IMF och Världsbankens nya skuldreduceringsprogram som ska präglas av nationellt ägande, nationellt drivande och landsspecificering. Frågan vi ställt oss är om dessa dokument är landsspecifika eller om de är mer generellt utformade och då ej så anpassade till det enskilda landets förhållanden. Vi har även tagit del av den kritik som riktas mot PRS-initiativet och försökt utröna hur pass befogad denna är. Kritikerna menar bl.a. att PRS-initiativet endast är en fortsättning på tidigare strukturanpassningsprogram (framtagna av IMF och Världsbanken) och inte alls något nytt inom utvecklingsarbetet.

AbstractC-essay in political science by Anna BryntessonSupervisor: Michele MichelettiSpring 2006?Young municipality politicians - Why some young people become municipality politicians, how they think it is andwhat they think should be done to engage more young people in politics??The Swedish municipalities have problem with that they doesen´t have many politicians under 30 years. Many of the young people who become politicians drop out after a short while. The conclusion of this is that the Swedish municipalities have problems to engage young people in politics.The purpose of this essay is to study and try to find out what young people think about politics? This is done with personally interviews with 7 young municipality politicians from the municipality of Eda.The specific research questions are:? Who are they which became young municipality politicians?? What was the reason that they became politicians?? How do they look at municipality politics?? Which roll and function does the young people have as a municipality politician?? What do they think should be done to get more young people to engaged in politics and become a municipality politician?The young Eda politician is a girl living in a house in the country and she has middle education.

This essay constitutes a qualitative case study about democratization theory and the middle class in Russia. This is a very important case to study, especially because of the geographic position of the country as well as the economic importance Russia has as a part of the G8. In the essay the author seeks to answer the question whether the lack of a significant middle class in Russia can be a part of the explanation to the absence of a well functioning democracy in the country. Several democratization theories are presented. The most important being Ruth Berins Collier's theories about ins and outs plus the elite- or working class as the initiator of democratization processes.

En ekonometrisk paneldata modell användes för att studera hur antalet förlorade QALYs skiljer sig beroende på valet av mätmetod. Data baserades på individer som skadats i trafiken och som retrospektivt värderat sin hälsorelaterade livskvalitet direkt före olycksfallet och vid olika tidpunkter efter olycksfallet. Tre olika mätmetoder användes: VAS, IHQL, och EuroQol. Förlorade QALYs beräknades för fyra subgrupper. För subgruppen ?svårt skadade/fullt friska före olyckan? var antalet förlorade QALYs störst (0,370) respektive minst (0,130) om det uppmätts med EuroQol respektive IHQL (relativ skillnad var 2,85).

Monroedoktrinen skapades 1823 av den amerikanske presidenten James Monroe. Sedan dess har doktrinen utgjort en betydande del av den amerikanska utrikespolitiken gentemot Latinamerika. Medvetet eller omedvetet har doktrinen blivit en integrerad del i den amerikanska säkerhets- & utrikespolitiken. Genom Monroedoktrinen och dess korollarier har USA haft en förevändning att intervenera närhelst de ansett att intressena, som ska tillvaratas i doktrinen, har utmanats. Vi har i denna uppsats valt att analysera tre fall av amerikansk intervention i Latinamerika med målet att finna en gemensam drivkraft bakom amerikansk utrikespolitik i Latinamerika.

This thesis compares different justifications of human rights with the philosophy of Axel Hägerström. Hägerström´s philosophy uses a strict logic and discards the notion of the existence of absolute values and moral right and wrong. The justifications that are examined are those of Robert Nozick, Alan Gewirth and the postmodern view. Nozick emanates from arguments of natural law, which is rejected by Hägerström as metaphysics. Gewirths logical justification emanates in part from moral arguments and hence differentiates from Hägerström, but it can be used for constructing a practical application of Hägerström's philosophy and thereby motivate a legislation relating to human rights.

The purpose of this project was to find an understanding for why public agents working with introduction of immigrants have decided to co-operate and co-ordinate their efforts. Another purpose was to gain insights in what characterizes this co-operation.Seven interviews were made with practitioners working with these questions on national-, regional- and local levels. The material gathered in this process was then analysed using governance theory and more specific the parts dealing with Joined- up government and Whole- of Government. Two analytic tools were used in the analysis: wicked problems and network.The first of these, wicked problems, was made operational by the use of insecurities. Analysing the interviews along these lines proved very useful in explaining why public agents have decided to try to work together.

My thesis brings up the subject of power. In the 33 local authorities we have in Skåne, I have made a quantitative study, to see how many young people that are included in the power of politics, through local authorities parliament. This is the first of the two parts that I have devided my thesis into. The second part is qualitative and examines four young politicians, and their thoughts on holding a position that is so unusual to hold at their age. This is the basis for my analysis where I bring up age as a form of discrimination.

The aim of this thesis is to develop two idealtypes of politics to help serve as instruments in understanding and analysing the view on politics held by top civil servants in the municipality of Lund Sweden. The two ideal types developed here are symbolic sense making politics and rational instrumental politics. These two ideal types were applied to material from a qualitative survey to help bring out clear results and to help with the interpretation of the material The results of the study showed that the two idealtypes could not help to clearly categorize the civil servants views on management by objectives. But while categorizing the top civil servants views the important features of policy documents the ideal types were helpful. By using the ideal types I came to the conclusion that the view on policy documents was mainly characterized by sense making politics.

This thesis is set out as a testing of the crosscutting cleavages theory on twocontemporary cases. The aim is to test the explanation process of the crosscutting theory applied to the political and social situations in Belgium and Switzerland and furthermore to examine potential conflicts in pluralistic states. Our main questionis: How can the crosscutting cleavages theory explain the different outcomes ofsocial coexistence, even with the states numerous similarities? We have examined the two federal states through their social divisions of language, region, religion and socio-economy. Our findings show that both Belgium and Switzerland possess divisions in the above mentioned variables, which in most cases are cumulative structured.