Sjukvården har länge varit satt under hög press för att sänka de stigande vårdkostnaderna och öka produktiviteten. Med ursprung i den privata sektorn introducerades i slutet av 80-talet nya organisationsidéer, New Public Management, som strävar efter att ta till vara på ekonomiska värden. Vissa forskare har sedan dess oroat sig för att detta underminerar de normer som tidigare dominerat offentliga sektorn. Lennart Lundquist hävdar att det gått så långt att dessa värden influerat politiker och tjänstemän till den grad att det hotar demokratin.Denna uppsats fokuserar på hur Beställar-utförarmodellen och kontraktering till privata vårdproducenter har påverkat demokratiska värden såsom ansvarsutkrävande, insyn och politiskt styrning. Med Lundquists teori i ryggen har vi genomfört en fallstudie av ett sjukvårdsdistrikt i Region Skåne som har lång erfarenhet av arbete med privata vårdproducenter.

AbstractWhy don't (some) regimes with formal democratic features undergo transition to democracy? Which are the internal dynamics of these regimes that can offer comprehension to this state of affairs? The main purpose of this thesis is to advance the above questions, and, on a lower level of abstraction, examine the case of Egypt. The Egyptian regime is characterized by, for instance, a multiparty-system, steps toward economic liberalization, and some level of persistent state opposition, and has been considered on the way to liberal democracy, but can still hardly be estimated as such.Thus, the thesis takes part in a theoretical framework on democratization, and further analyzes the case of Egypt on grounds of socioeconomic development, political culture, and class configuration. By this contextual approach, the thesis adduces that a low level of modernization, an incomplete democratic political culture, and a bourgeoisie supported by the state are impending significant factors. The thesis additionally remarks on the interconnection of the adopted theories, and discusses a potential need for new theoretical propositionsA secondary aim of the thesis also gives some insights into the concurrence of regime stability and the absence of democracy in, what often could be labelled, authoritarian regimes.

In order for any society to exist there must be a sense of belonging. In other words "We" need to be made distinctive and differentiated from "the Others". The aim of this thesis is to examine the processes behind the making and upholding of collective identities and the consequences of doing so. Theories regarding stereotypes, enemy images, power over the discourse and glocalization have therefore been applied to an empirical example in the form of a case study.The study is made on the municipality of Laxå in Sweden. Representatives on assumed key positions have been interviewed on their and Laxå's inhabitants views on the asylum seekers in the community between the years 1986 and 2005.Yet another aim of the thesis is to examine the possible connection between the perceived collective identity and the decision to close down the asylum facility in Laxå.

On the third of August 2002, in the middle of the ongoing Swedish election campaign, Lars Leijonborg beeing the leader of Folkpartiet (the Peoples Party) presented the partys new intergration programme for foreign nationals. One of the proposals was to instigate a language test for all immigrants seeking to obtain Swedish citizenship. This thesis addresses the medial debate that followed the proposal in the daily press. Using discourse analysis and postcolonial theory this thesis looks into the fact that there were not unity in the wake that followed the language test proposal resulting in one medial and one popular discourse. The newspapers investigated were largely negative in their tone, whereas on the opinion pages, the view of the people seemed much more positively inclined.

Titel: Vem är herren på täppan? ? En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av den svenska bloggsfärenFörfattare: Sandra Divinyi och Cecilia NiklassonHandledare: Annika BergströmKurs: Medie? och kommunikationsvetenskap, fördjupningskursTermin: Vårterminen 2007Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att ge en översiktlig bild av hur den svenska bloggsfären ser ut i fråga om vem som bloggar och vad man bloggar om. Syftet är också att undersöka om man kan tillämpa nyhetsvärderings?principer på bloggen.Metod: Kvalitativ innehållsanalysMaterial: Analysen genomfördes på de främsta bloggarna på Bloggportalen.se. Den ena delen av analysen syftar till att undersöka vilka ämnen de 20 flitigast lästa bloggarna berör samt vem som ligger bakom dessa.

Ett nytt globalt system, inte nytt i tiden, dock i omfattning och påverkan, håller på att förändra maktordningen och de politiska relationerna så som vi känner dem. Detta innebär bland annat att ansvarsfördelningen mellan offentliga och privata aktörer blir mer oklar och tar nya former. Begreppet Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) syftar på det etiska ansvar företag bör ta för sin verksamhet, såväl inom den egna organisationen som i det omgivande samhället. Den frågeställning den här uppsatsen söker besvara gäller varför CSR blivit en allt viktigare del av företagens policy? Uppsatsens fokus ligger på globaliseringsteori och slutsatsen blir att förklaringarna till CSR kan delas in i såväl etiska och praktiska, som kosmopolitiska.

During the time of membership in The European Union Swedish domestic policy has gone through many changes. A lot more political areas are being influenced by the EU policy. Today every ministry has got some sort of EU office. Swedish politicians are functioning on two arenas, domestic and European. At the same time Swedish membership has gone from being highly discussed to being a state of normality.

Med denna studie avser vi att identifiera vilka hinder som finns i demokratise-ringsprocessen. För att göra detta använder vi oss utav en historisk-sociologisk te-ori, presenterad utav Rueschemeyer, Stephens, Stephens (1992). Teorin bygger på antagandet att det är maktrelationen mellan samhällets klasser som styr förutsätt-ningarna för en demokratisk utveckling, där en stark markägande elit samt en svag underklass utgör negativa faktorer. För att pröva teorin gör vi en fallstudie över Guatemala. Denna grundar sig på en jämförelse av demokratiseringsprocessen över tid, från tidigt 90-tal fram till idag.

This thesis is concerned with political mobilization and the construction of a collective andsocial identity. The main purpose of the study is theoretical which emphasize their interaction.In order to do this I study the two phenomenons by seeing them as cases of each other. Wecannot understand one of the two phenomenons without taking into account the other as well.In addition, the secondary aim of my thesis is empirical. I use the political transformationduring the 70th and 80th on the eastern seaboard of Nicaragua to relate my theoretical analysisof political mobilization and the construction of identities. Nicaragua will provide mytheoretical analysis with new insights.

The disintegration of the Soviet Union was a vast experience, not solely for the former members and inhabitants of the Soviet Union, but also for the rest of the world. This thesis examines Estonia and Uzbekistan's different experience with transition. By examining three different aspects of transition I seek to explain Estonia and Uzbekistan's different outcome of transition. Estonia has since their independence been fully aware of the process that started with their independence. They have reformed both the political and economic system, the industry is privatized, institutions democratic and Estonia is today a member of the European Union.

Uppsatsen är en diskursanalys och retorisk analys av genren veckotidningsledare. Den undersöker hur veckotidningsledarna svarar mot de kontextuella kraven att marknadsföra tidningen, att underhålla läsaren och att liera sig med läsaren. Det undersökta materialet utgörs av ledarsidor från tidningarna Veckorevyn, Amelia, M-magasin och Slitz. Uppsatsen visar hur ledarsidorna präglas närhetsskapande strategier som konversationalisering, humor och bekräftande av likheter..

The horse was domesticated about 6000 years ago. Since then humans have used the horse for different purposes, such as work force and in sports. Horses are social, group living animals that spend around 16-17 hours a day on grazing. Horses are often kept stabled in single boxes with a limited feeding time. The forage usually contains grain-based concentrates and roughage.

The purpose of this study is to examine to what extent the senior level Swedish school can be viewed as supporting, or counteracting, a colonial discourse that legitimizes global and national injustices. The study is executed through a discourse analysis of five textbooks in social science for senior level Swedish schools.Using elements from Foucault and Edward Said a theoretical framework is constructed, in which a colonial discourse is perceived as structured around four clusters of ideas, namely (i) the use of dichotomies, (ii) the concept of progress and civilization, (iii) the construction of -we- as synonymous with (ii), and (iv) the construction of -the others- as the opposite of (ii) and, therefore, the opposite of -us-.The results show that a colonial discourse is still highly present in the textbooks, in that the texts are structured around dichotomies such as tradition/modernity and democracy/dictatorship. Sweden and the Western world are perceived as closely associated with democracy, freedom, and modernity, whereas -the others- of the world are being associated with e.g. poverty, conflict, tradition, and ignorance. -The others- within Sweden, i.e.

Vid närmare undersökning upptäckte jag ett fält som inte tidigare hade utforskats. Forskning kring förhandlingar mellan olika nationaliteter med olika kulturer är utbredd men väldigt lite finns kring förhandlingar mellan samma nationalitet fast med olika kulturer. Inget fanns kring förhandlingar mellan arbetarkulturen och tjänstemannakulturen inom Sverige vilket fick mig att skriva denna pilotstudie om just detta. Med en reviderad version av Raymond Cohens teori om förhandlingar och kultur som ramverk lyckades jag med hjälp av samtalsintervjuer, enkäter och egna observationer ifrån förhandlingar visa på vissa kulturella skillnader. Det skulle visa sig att arbetarkulturen var kollektivistiskt orienterad medan tjänstemannakulturen var mer individualistiskt orienterad vilket har en rad konsekvenser för förhandlingarna dem emellan.

Starting at the end of the Cold War, this publication assesses the impact of the upheavals in Eastern Europe and the atrophic Soviet Union on the Swedish doctrine of neutrality with its 200 year old tradition. Since the end of world war two the proximity of the Soviet Union had constituted the major impetus for upholding a position of neutrality and as this vanished a pressure for change was created. This essay works with a theoretical framework delineated by Kjell Goldmann and under this disposition, the Swedish tradition of neutrality, governmental positions, opposition and four major influential newspapers are studied. The standings of each variable are canvassed in an attempt to explain the development of Swedish security policy during the crucial years of 1988-1992..