Which general outlines are preferable in the relation between organizations and government? From normative theory and method I throw light upon this question by defining and comparing two different democratic standpoints. The substantial democratic standpoint focuses on political effectiveness and the procedural democratic standpoint focuses on equal representation. The normative discussion aims at comparing how well the different standpoints function in political praxis. Since the ambition is to discuss concrete praxis I have also chosen to analyse an extensive case of interest influence in Swedish politics empirically.

In this thesis I analyse civilizations in South America. I construct civilizationalnarratives through the method of emplotment, to build a historic continuity, whichI subsequently connect to the theoretical framework. The theory emphasise that,when confronted with globalization and free market capitalism, civilizationsembark on different strategies to challenge the power of transnational marketforces. I find that South America is a polarised continent, and is divergingconcerning the relationship towards the USA and free trade agreements. On thesame time the issues that concern the social movements are not being reproducedin a significant matter at state level.

In today's society social movement are dependent on media as a channel to com-municate their political message and their discourse. Media is an arena for dis-courses but at the same time, along with Attac, one of the actors who struggle to be part of the dominant discourse of the society. This struggle is uneven due to media and the relationship is to some content hegemonic.Attac Sweden was constituted in January 2001 and got an enormous amount of attention in media. But after the riots during the Göteborg European Council in June 2001, that Attac was partly blamed for, the attention in media has faded out. This paper shows that the images of Attac in media hasn?t been favouring the movement, especially during and after the meeting in Gothenburg.

The purpose with this essay was to study how the social work is shaped in the methadone programme and how the staffs treat and work with the social integration for the patients.We have studied the experience of a medical assisted treatment from two different treatment clinics and focused on their treatment programme. We have chosen to focus on the social aspect but we have also been taking part of the medical treatment - the methadone. In order to get a bigger picture of our problem area we also studied how Sweden's narcotic politic is constructed and how a narcotic life could look like before the entrance in the program. We describe this with the help of the theory about the narcotic carrer and the society's view on a normal living..

The Swedish election year of 2010 has just begun and the political actors are mobilizing their communication efforts to win the votes of the public. The political campaigns of 2010 have the potential to be the first where a new channel for political communication has the potential to make a difference ? the social media. This paper aims to describe in what ways a Member of Parliament, Nina Larsson (FP), together with the PR-agency Hello Clarice are using social media to conduct political campaigning on the web. It also aims to study if the professional consultants of Hello Clarice have any influence over Nina Larsson?s political communication.The theoretical framework which is the base for this study are theories of an extended public sphere in the age of mediation.

This thesis is based on the conception that class is relevant. The thesis discussesclass relevance and consciousness of class amongst personal at the department ofsocial welfare in Lund.I have studied different theories of class from Karl Marx, Max Weber and PierreBourdieu. The study´s empirical survey is based on interviews with the personalat the department of social welfare in Lund. Then I have applied their view onclass on models based on the theories mentioned above.Out of my analysis I can draw the conclusion that the consciousness of class ishigh and that the applied models matches the interviewed personal. An importantaspect is that class perspective is bound to class.

I denna uppsats behandlas ämnet politisk organisering. Frågorna som tas upp är huruvida globaliseringsrörelsen bör organisera sig i partier eller agera utomparlamentariskt i sociala rörelser och om deliberation är ett effektivt påverkansmedel för att förändra de institutioner de vänder sig emot. Utifrån en teoretisk diskussion om hur företag de senaste decennierna omorganiserats som en följd av bland annat 60- och 70-talens uppror och framstegen inom digital informationsteknologi samt debattmaterial från globaliseringsrörelsen diskuteras frågorna.Uppsatsens resultat är att den mest effektiva organisationsformen i dagens läge är nätverk av sociala rörelser. Deliberation framstår inte som särdeles effektivt kanske främst på grund av att det skulle innebära att rörelserna tvingas anpassa sig och bli mer lika de hierarkiska institutioner de vill förändra..

AbstractCities are once again becoming the locus of economic, social and political processes. The effect of these processes on the city is two-fold: one one hand they threaten to fragment and dislocate the city and the actors within them, on the other hand they give actors within cities new opportunities to react and mobilize resources towards different strategies of integration. The latter gives rise to what Patrick Le Galès calls the collective actor-city. The aim of this thesis is to explore the notion of the city as a collective actor in a swedish context by utilizing Le Galès theory of european cities as collective actors in an abductive case study on the city of Malmoe. By utilizing Le Galès five dimensions that make up a collective actor I analyze interviews conducted with city officals aswell as documents produced from the city wide plan of action Welfare for everybody.

Political realism is a general theory within political science focusing on the principle interest defined as power. The theory?s mutual standpoint is that states are inspired by power politics meaning that military and economic power or security stands in the centre while moral and ethics are placed in the periphery. This essay?s purpose is to analyze realism which helps to understand the development and change of the perspective.

Can we harm future people? According to our commonly used contractarian theories, it seems we cannot. This is because our actions of today not only influence what they are supposed to influence, but also who mates with whom and when, and thus which particular persons will ever live in the future. Had we not performed a particular action, the future people born as a result of that same action, would not have been born. It therefore seems they cannot reasonably reject our actions.

In the curriculum from 2011 for Religion in Swedish Upper Secondary School, a new content has been added regarding the relationship between religion and science. The pupils are supposed to acquire a view of how the understanding of religion and science can express questions concerning creationism and evolution. The purpose of this study is to identify how this relation between religion and science is represented in textbooks for the subjects of Religion and Biology and how pupils are encouraged to reflect on and discuss this relationship. The method of this essay consists of a qualitative content analysis of textbooks from both Religion and Biology. The result of this study showed an overall multifaceted picture of the relation between religion and science..

In august 2006 the Swedish government official report (SOU) about the structural discrimination was published and caused a lot of debate in the media. This paper is about the report as such, as much as the academic quarrel it caused in the newspaper Dagens Nyheter. My aim is to explore why the report is so provocative and what the debate actually is about. I use discourse analysis both as a method and theoretical framework, inspired by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Using this methodology I explore which discourses that are articulated.

Young women with immigrant background are generally looked upon as victims of patriarchal structures and cultural determinism.The purpose of this bachelor thesis was therefore to have a salutogen perspective. We investigated how young women with a transcultural background are affected by and how they use their experiences from different backgrounds in their creating of identity.We based our essay on qualitative interviews and current research on the subjects of multi culture, identity and youth. The interviewees were seven young women with experience of multi cultural background and performing different kind of artistic activity.The theory and empirical material combined and compared resulted in three themes: affinity, cultural hybridization, and salutogen factors.We saw that for those young women affinity functioned as a basis for creating identity and that their double background enriches them in several aspects. The three major salutogen factors that the interviewees had in common, and we emphasize, are their struggle, open mind and awareness of freedom.The global youth culture has a great impact upon the young women and to some extent we could recognize cultural hybridization. We consider this neglected subject urgent and very relevant for social work in the multi cultural society of Sweden..

Uppsatsen strävar efter att undersöka och belysa den problematik som präglar den svenska tobakspolitiken. Jag har identifierat tre centrala frågeställningar:* Vad utgörs det strukturella problemet av?* Vad gör lagstiftaren respektive tillämparen?* Hur manövrerar lagstiftaren för att undvika politiska kostnader och till synes lösa det strukturella problemet?(utdrag ur uppsatsens "Frågeställning och syfte").

This thesis aims to investigate how the interests of women are handled in political parties whose opinion programs are based on class interests. The essay constructs a theoretical framework, which shows that the descriptive representation of women is a prerequisite for their subjective interests being represented, however not a guarantee.By studying how the Social Democratic party deals with the demands from the Women's federation, the empirical material sheds light on the theoretical discussion. The study's methodological foundation consists of an ideology critical textual analysis, which focuses on the debate on the design of parental allowance that took place within the party during 2005. During the party's congress the women's federation advocated a proposition for increased individualization of the parental allowance, however the party did not accept it. The analysis confirms the theoretical argumentation that descriptive representation is not a guarantee for the representation of women's interests.