This is an interview based qualitative case study on two Women's Migrant Associations in Malmoe, which I interpret as being part of a women's movement, with characteristics of a new social movement. The aim of this study is to get a deeper understanding on how the collective identity is being constructed, in this women's movement where the membership is not based on an exclusive ethnic identity.I make a two dimensional analysis that departs from a social constructivist underpinning, including the theories Transversial Politics, Postcolonial feminism and New Social Movement Theory.First I analyze the construction of collective identity from the external social and cultural context, and get confirmed that the collective identity of the movement is based on a common experience of social exclusion and a plurality of actions that aims to fight the structural injustices based on gender and ethnic discrimination. Secondly I analyze how the collective identity is being constructed and maintained from the interactions between the members of the movement, from an understanding of Transversial Politics. My findings show that the members of the movement interact in a participatory democratic way which generally corresponds to Transversial Politics. According to Transversial Politics this can lead to a construction of an empowered inclusive collective identity for the members and as my empirical study confirms it also means possibilities for deconstruction of boundaries between social groups..

The violence against women is an important matter. In Sweden there are several organisations that takes care of the women and children in need.One of the many organizations you can turn to is women's shelter organizations. They are nonprofit organizations. They depend on the contribution of peoples free time and on the government's awareness of the work that the organization do. The social services has the main responsibility to take care of women and children in need.

This is a study of seven men that have suffered from a cruel punishment. The punishment involved getting their ear/ears cut off, prison with more torture and their families being deported from their homes to another town.My sample involved seven Iraqi men who suffered from this punishment during Saddams regime, they got this punishment because they refused to fight against Iran and Kuwait. I went to Iraq and met with the men in person and did interviews with them to understand the effect of the punishment on their personalities, and how the punishment have influenced their lives and interaction with other people in the society and around them.The study focuses on their suffering and how they have been able to live with this stigma. The method the study has used is the kvalitative method that involved interviewing them in their country Iraq and analyse their answers and then come to the results. My study was between 26 of March 2004 to 26 of April 2004.My study is based on the theory of social interaction and especially the symbolic interaction theories of G.H.

In the 1920s the law against vagrancy had been unaltered since it?s introduction in 1885. During that period, Sweden had undergone great social and political transformation in the wake of industrialisation, urbanisation and democratisation. The political landscape had changed and the social sciences were organising knowledge in new ways. The public opinion realised the need for a review of the vagrant law that better corresponded to the modern times.

Studiens syfte var att undersöka hur unga människor ser på arbete och arbetslöshet. För äldre generationer är arbetet förutom en källa till försörjning även en stor del av individens identitet, och att sakna arbete innebär ett socialt utanförskap. Har arbete samma betydelse för dagens ungdomar, eller har den höga ungdomsarbetslösheten medfört en normförskjutning så att en arbetslös inte uppfattas som avvikande? För att få svar på frågan intervjuade vi nio ungdomar, såväl arbetslösa som arbetande och stu-derande, om hur de ser på saken. Vi utgick från ett induktivt perspektiv inspirerat av grundad teori, där vi eftersträvade en öppenhet inför empiriska data som framkom i våra intervjuer.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att påvisa de likheter som finns mellan det kommunistiska KPML(r)/RKU och det nazistiska NSF i deras kritik mot den representativa demokratin. Uppsatsen bygger på en komparativ ideologianalys. materialet består av artiklar, rapporter och partiprogram som publicerats på Internet. I teoriavsnittet stödjer jag mig på Dahls och Lipsets problematiseringar av fenomenet demokrati- extremism och relationen mellan olika typer av extremism. Undersökningen visar att de nutida "vänster"- och "högerextremisterna" har mer gemensamt än vad som kan anas.

We chose to study the groups for divorced children in Vellinge municipal because there was no evaluation made of these kinds of groups with the involved methods.Vellinge municipal has had groups for children to divorced parents since 2000. During this period of time the total numbers of children in these groups have expanded. As of now, there are two groups.Our goal with this study was to see which way the CAP, Children Are People, manual has been implemented in the every-day work in the group. Several studies have been made about CAP but not in the context of groups for divorced children. We have also examined results in other municipals that have implemented groups for divorced children into their social services.We have interviewed ten children and four social workers.

The aim of this thesis is to study young people's views on support, knowledge and change. The eight participants in this interview study are between 14 and 19 years old and they share the experience of growing up in a family where a parent is a substance misuser or mentally ill.Childhood sociology has been used as a theoretical framework. The main finding is that emotional and practical support based on the young person's needs and knowledge based on the ideas of empowerment and agency promotes change. The four most important insights according to the young persons are: My parent has got a problem. It is not my problem.

The purpose of this study was to investigate how directors of preschool apply the mandatory reporting and what information they say is important in the decision to report child maltreat-ment. The study was built on five semi-structure interviews with five directors of preschool working in Greater Stockholm. The perspective of this paper is sociology of law theory. This means to study how out of law information makes sense when director of preschool applies the mandatory reporting. The result was analysed with three different analytic tools: action plan, consulting social services and the considerations of the directors of preschool them-selves.

The purpose of this thesis is to cast light on the residential area Rosengård in Malmö which during the years between 1965 to 1975 was part of a programme known as "Miljonprogrammet", a project which was supposed to put an end to the housing shortages. The purpose of this thesis is also to investigate the social consequences in Rosengård, which arose as a result of Miljonprogrammet. Rosengård is one of many immigrant-dense suburbs in Sweden that by the media is given an exaggerated negative portrayal. Through our work, we also want to bring out and highlight the true image of Rosengård. The questions that have served as our starting ground include; what were the thoughts behind Miljonprogrammet? What were the consequences of Miljonprogrammet? What does the true image of Rosengård look like? What can the new government do in order to improve the situation in Rosengård? In order to answer these questions, four interviews were conducted with specifically chosen people.

Regimen i Iran är i denna stund utsatt för stor press från USA och EU3 som vill få regimen att avbryta dess kärnteknikprogram. USA hävdar tillsammans med de europeiska stormakterna att det iranska kärnteknikprogrammet inte har fredliga syften, istället menar de att det används som kamouflage för att utveckla kärnvapen. Iran menar att påståendena är osanna och att landet är i behov av kärnenergi i takt med att deras befolkning snabbt expanderar. Syftet med vår uppsats är att bringa klarhet kring problematiken. Därför fokuserar vi på att undersöka Irans motiv för respektive emot ett anskaffande av kärnvapen.

I denna uppsats undersöker vi huruvida en av de mest lästa tidningarna i Sverige, Metro, påverkas av sitt avtal med SL och hur det tar sig uttryck i tidningens innehåll. Att dagspress påverkas av andrahandsaktörer är ett stort demokratiskt problem, eftersom media har en central roll för agendasättningen i samhället. Denna roll blir allt större när Sverige strävar efter att öka de deltagar- och samtalsdemokratiska inslagen i samhället.Empirin består av Metro och DN:s rapportering kring SL i mikrofilmsformat under tre perioder. Genom kvalitativ textanalys söker vi skillnader hur SL framställs i respektive tidning.Vi anser att det finns element som tyder på viss påverkan på Metros framställning av SL. Man finner bland annat positiva vinklingar av SL:s roll i olika processer..

Utifrån ett socialkonstruktivistiskt perspektiv och med en diskursanalytisk metodologi skärskådas Folkpartiet Liberalernas integrationspolitik. Denna politik bör förstås som en strategi att hantera ett ?utanförskap?. Samhällsforskaren Ruth Levitas har i sina studier av brittiska New Labour beskrivit tre diskurser som hon menar dominerar eller har dominerat partiets syn på ?utanförskapet?.

When it comes to investigating the motives behind activism, the members of political study have a lot to say. I aimed to critiqually rewiev this in my thesis. I asked the question ?What do the actor themselves claim lay behin their decision to become motivated?? To highlight this complex dilemma, I sought to discuss new social movement theory by comparing it to reality. This includes a literate examination on contemporary political science approaches, and a study of two organisations in the south of Sweden, choosen not to despise any excisting theory, but to give it a sense of reality.

AbstractDet finns ett strukturellt förtryck och ett systematiskt underordnande av kvinnor i samhället. Den svenska arbetsmarknaden är segregerad; positioner, yrken och sektorer är könsmärkta, och beroende på märkning erhåller de olika hög status. Denna märkning är föränderlig och när segregeringsmönster förändras, förändras positioners könsmärkning.Skolledaryrket har genomgått en lång och trög förändringsprocess av könsmärkning och är nu kvinnodominerat, vilket följts av diskussioner om skolledaryrkets sänkta status.Genom litteraturstudier rekonstruerar vi konstruktioner av manligt och kvinnligt och genom diskursanalys belägger vi att en feminisering av skolledaryrket ägt rum. Genom feministisk teori om genussystemet förklarar vi hur isärhållandet av könen, samt kvinnans underordning mannen, skapar en intim förbindelse mellan fenomenen statusdegradering och feminisering..