Mainstream contemporary phenomenology understands the phenomenology of movement and dance through ?the lived body? of Merleau-Ponty. This paper rather suggests a phenomenology of movement and dance based on an understanding through ?the danced body? with ability to meta-feeling. It is here argued that we need to use a phenomenology of dance to understand the phenomenon of movement whatsoever.

AbstractThe struggle for land has been an issue ever since Brazil was colonized by the Portuguese Crown. The deep social inequalities that the country faces were raised then. More than 45% of the agricultural land is controlled by only 1% of the landowners. There have been many movements since then, who has fought for agrarian reforms.MST, the largest Social movement in Brazil, was born in the 1980s. They managed to mobilize the peasants and the poor people.

The EU- citizenship was established in the Maastricht Treaty in 1993. This citizenship involves rights to free movement, election rights to the European Parliament, diplomatic protection and the right to petition to the Ombudsman. In my analysis I discuss the implications of the EU- citizenship for the individual. The development and legal status of the union citizenship is examined in order to give a general understanding of the implications. In addition, I conduct a case study concerning the EU- citizenship's impact on workers rights.

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity..

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity..

Words like pirates and anti-pirates are becoming common features in the cultural political debate of today, and the file-sharing phenomenon has become a more and more delicate and disputed subject. The fact that people are organizing in networks to swap computerfiles with each other has, among other things, led film and music companies from all over the world to initiate a number of anti-piracy organizations, assigned to protect the right to culture and information. The industrial organization Antipiratbyrån (the Anti-pirate Bureau) and the network Piratbyrån (the Pirate Bureau) have on several occasions been used to represent the prevailing conflict in Sweden. The purpose of this study is to apply a sociological perspective to the collective act of file sharing. Additionally, the purpose is to argue that the activity can be understood as a Social movement, although it is rarely referred to as such.

The EU Services Directive has caused an intense debate across Europe. Its purpose is to remove obstacles to trade and to open up the public sector to increased competition. The Swedish labour movement has been deeply involved in the policy process, and union leaders have proclaimed the compromise reached in the European Parliament in April 2006 as a success.In the paper two major aspects have been considered: the meaning of the Swedish model and the process of Europeanization. The Swedish model previously allowed for a strong labour movement, through a social democratic hegemony, but the EU membership has implied new conditions for union influence. The paper examines how this change has affected the strategic choices of the Swedish labour movement, and how it has been manifested in the union's work with the Services Directive.

The aim of this thesis is to see if adult education have changed in educational association of the Swedish Labour Movement ABF, and the temperance movement IOGT/NBV. We have chosen to study five periods and analyse these after four ideal of education. These are the ideals of self-education, polytechnic education, neo-classic character-moulding education, and citizenship education. We have studied the reports of the activities of the organisations during the years and the writings of anniversary. The analysis shows that the two popular movements have gone from an adult education where the ideal of citizenship education to an ideal of neo-classic character-moulding education was dominating.

[Saknas].

This thesis is a discourse theory analysis of two feminist anthologies - Det heter feminism! and F- ordet.  By analyzing these texts through the three categories feminism & feminists, gender equality & equality and sex/gender & sexuality I have raised questions about the feminist debate in Sweden in the 21st century.The discourse theory?s ideas of descriptions of reality and fixation of meaning lies as a foundation for this thesis. The concepts of social constructionism, post structuralism and essentialism/anti essentialism are central for the analysis as well as concepts connected to the three previously mentioned categories.The intention of this thesis is to describe and analyze a fraction of the Swedish feminist debate in the 21st century and discuss its meaning in a societal context. A number of conclusions were reached in the final discussion.

This study departs from Gállok, an area 40 kilometres northwest of the city Jokkmokk, in northern Sweden. This is a place to which local people and Saami reindeer herders have material interests and emotional bonds. The mining company JIMAB wants to prospect for extracting minerals from this area. In the summer of 2013 local people, Saamis and environmental activists gathered in Gállok in order to protest and make resistance against these plans. Activism was made, debate articles were written, demonstrations were organized and information about what was going on in Gállok was shared through social media.The aim of this study is to examine the cultural processes of the anti-mining movement, in particular the happenings in Gállok in summer 2013.

Sammanfattning Mitt syfte med uppsatsen är att utforska om eftergymnasiala danselever upplever att Benesh Movement Notation kan var ett hjälpmedel i den praktiska dansundervisningen. Studiens syfte är även att förtydliga vikten av att koppla teori till det praktiska ut-övandet av danskunskap. Min metod i denna undersökning har varit att intervjua 12 eftergymnasiala danselever om deras upplevelser, det vill säga, fördelar och nackdelar med Benesh Movement Notation i praktisk dansträning, möjligheten att skriva egna anteckningar och i repertoararbete. Resultatet visar att genom att kombinera praktik och studier i Benesh Movement Notation utvecklar eleverna sin analysförmåga i rörelse och självständigt tänkande i den praktiska dansträningen. Eleverna utvecklar vidare sin förmåga att uttrycka sig och formulera sig verbalt i dansträningen, och får en djupare kunskap i förmågan att tolka interpretationen..

The aim of this thesis is to describe the rise of the Tea Party movement in the United States. By using a known theory within Social movement studies, the political process theory, this thesis look into the factors that could have played a role in the rise and fast mobilization of the Tea Party movement. The political process theory consists of three parts and hence looks into both the political structure of, in this case, the United States, how mobilizing structures have been used and into the cultural framing used by the Tea Party to create their identity. In order to bring structure to the thesis, the three theory parts have been transformed into analysis models. These give a very good idea of all the factors that could have played a part and therefore also a good way to describe the rise of the Tea Party movement.The research confirm what the political process theory says, that the Tea Party movements rise came at a time when there were a mix of factors at play, both structural and cultural, creating an opportunity that the Tea Party took.

This is an essay in Swedish on the subject of democracy and demonstrations of collective violence. The study is based on a conflict between the youth-house movement in Copenhagen and the state of Denmark - the city of Copenhagen. The focus is over the period December 2006 until January 2008 with reflection on the political movement around the youth-house from the 80's and onwards. This political movement roots back to the late 60's and especially the squatting movement, the BZ, of Europe which had a strong period in Denmark both in the 60's and the 80's. There is also a strong connection to other political movements of anti-fascism, anti-globalisation, queer activism and equal rights.

The purpose of my study is to explore which possibilities there are for movement activities and how to use those possibilities. From this study, I will help the pedagogues recognize how to work more or different with movement activities.I have used participant observations and interviews as methods for my study. I did this at one preschool, because it is a development-study. The observations lasted for two weeks and the interviews were made with the majority of the pedagogues at the preschool.  The results of my study showed that the preschool teachers think that movement activities are an important part of children?s lives.