This is a reception study on how the idea of Paneuropa, as launched by the austrian count Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi in 1923, was received by the political weekly magazine Tidevarvet, a product of ? and an opinion forming organ for ? the social liberal wing of the Swedish suffrage- and peace movements. The main purpose is to examine to what extent there was an existent Europeanism in the public debate in Sweden during the interwar period, and how that discourse was constructed through the conceptual pairings disruption/unity and parts/whole. The study is conducted mainly through discourse analysis, combined with partly new research into sources such as the parliament, the newspapers and civil society to try to initiate a mapping over the wider reception of the Paneuropa project in a Swedish context. The study finds that the subject of Paneuropa is present throughout the almost entire period of the publication, namely 1924?1936, and that the question of a federal Europe is closely connected to the pacifist attitude of the editorial staff in general and writer/editor Elin W?gner in particular.

Concept - detail - buildingStockholm International Fairs, new main entrance I studied at the KTH School of Architecture from 1995 to 2000. After completing my studies I wanted to work in an office that had a structural way of thinking and that knew the building process; I therefore chose to work for Rosenberg Architects. I have worked on a number of projects, among them several for the Stockholm International Fairs, from the Rica Talk Hotel and Hall AE, to the new main entrance.In the projects we undertook at the School of Architecture we had to identify and draw details that were central to our concepts. I have here identified some key details that we considered to be essential for the concept in a built project; the new main entrance of the Stockholm International Fairs completed in 2013. The entrance has complex logistics with multiple intersecting flows: exhibitors, employees, journalists, VIPs and others.

Religion is not only manifested in the more traditional forms such as church attendance, but also in various expressions on social media. Facebook is seen by many as creating a social platform where different opinions and more unconventional discussions may flourish unlike how the traditional media convey information. Internet is therefore an interesting platform for investigating how information about religion is spread by researching religious behavior and expression. The focus of this essay is to examine visible, which includes text as a social practice, forms of religious expression shown by the discursive struggle between the Facebook-group Christian Women Against Femen and its counterpart feminist movement Femen. The essay seeks to answer how notions of femininity on the Internet are formulated and reproduced based on the discourse between these two women's movements.The essay highlights how the women?s movements, with their bodily manifestation and by their usage of words, construct and reproduce different images of gender and womanhood.

In the school political debate that is conducted in Sweden the question of grading is an ongoing topic of discussion. During the past year there has been a lively discussion about introducing grade from year four as suggested by the right wing parties. The purpose of this study is to set the teaching faculties? view and arguments in relation to the politicians' opinion in the ongoing debate about the proposal of introducing grades from year four. Furthermore, the aim is to investigate how central the didactic arguments are in relation to other arguments in the current debate.

The right wing party the Sweden Democrats is through their conservative and nationalist approach and socio-political heritage, connected to various extreme-right populist movements, which have all been in conflict with different branches of feminism. This connection is argued for in relation to the research survey. The party has likewise been accused of pursuing misogynistic, homophobic and racist politics, but differ from its ideological peers due to their outspoken equality policy. The party shows strong rejection of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation or geographical, religious or ethnical background. In the analysis chapter of this study, texts produced by members of the party are analyzed by means of parts of Karlberg and Mral?s rhetoric analysis method, aiming to clarify what ideals of family and the roles within it are being constructed.

Concept - detail - buildingStockholm International Fairs, new main entrance I studied at the KTH School of Architecture from 1995 to 2000. After completing my studies I wanted to work in an office that had a structural way of thinking and that knew the building process; I therefore chose to work for Rosenberg Architects. I have worked on a number of projects, among them several for the Stockholm International Fairs, from the Rica Talk Hotel and Hall AE, to the new main entrance.In the projects we undertook at the School of Architecture we had to identify and draw details that were central to our concepts. I have here identified some key details that we considered to be essential for the concept in a built project; the new main entrance of the Stockholm International Fairs completed in 2013. The entrance has complex logistics with multiple intersecting flows: exhibitors, employees, journalists, VIPs and others.

In this essay my aim is to examine how the term utanförskap is constructed and defined as a social problem in the public arena of the Swedish Parliament. The term utanförskap was widely used in the election-campaign prior to the Swedish Parliament election in the year 2006. The term, mainly articulated by the Right-wing Alliance, was used to describe indi-viduals and groups that were depicted as being outside the Swedish society. In the political debate, work and benefit dependency were constructed as binary opposites, with the latter describing the individuals in utanförskap. Translated to English the term utanförskap would be something like ?the state of being outside? or ?outsidership?.

Sverigedemokraterna a?r ett radikalt ho?gerpopulistiskt parti som fortsa?tter att o?ka sedan valet a?r 2010. Vid en opinionsunderso?kning i april 2012 skulle partiet fa? 8 procent av medborgarnas ro?ster. Syftet med va?r uppsats a?r att fo?rsta? och fo?rklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund fo?r att allt fler medborgare ro?star pa? Sverigedemokraterna.

The aim of this Master´s thesis is to examine the debate in Swedish library press concerning outsourcing of public libraries. The two magazines studied are BBL (Biblioteksbladet) and bis (bibliotek i samhälle). The period of time covered by the selected articles is 2005 to 2011. Although there are still quite few cases of tendering arrangements in Sweden, the question has been raised in the last years by the decision of the Municipality of Nacka (Stockholm) to outsource their public libraries. Another important factor for bringing the question into focus has been the general elections of 2006, which brought an alliance of right-wing parties to power.     In this thesis the arguments of the participants are documented and analyzed.

This thesis examines the use of history, historical narratives and the relation to Venezuelan historical consciousness in Libro Rojo, a publication of The Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). It consists of four parts: an introduction, a declaration of principles, statutes and finally what is called the programmatical bases (bases programaticas) of the party.A starting point for this thesis is that this is an under prioritized area of research about the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela. It aims to show the centrality of history in these fundamental documents of the biggest left-wing party in Latin America.The thesis finds that symbolically charged historical figures ? mainly national icons of Venezuela´s struggle for national liberation - are mobilized to back up contemporary aspirations and influence public perception of what kind of future is possible and desirable. Libro Rojo structures the relationship between past, present and future in order to influence historical consciousness.It also finds that Libro Rojo constructs a vision of socialism which aims to show that the ideas and actions of Venezuela´s symbolically charged historical figures are compatible with the ideas of 19th and 20th century western Marxism.

The political and civil unrest during the last years of the First World War had a profound impact on the political life in many European countries. Academic research on the Swedish Social Democratic Party and the development of the parliamentary system during these years, often focus on the civil unrest and the mobilization of the labour movement during the spring of 1917, and the impact on Swedish politics of the Russian and German revolutions.This study is an examination of the relation between the Swedish labour movement and the Finnish Civil War of 1918. The general aim of the study is to examine how different levels and organisations of the labour movement acted in regards to the situation in Finland, and how these different levels and organisations interacted with one another. A second aim of this examination is to better understand during what kind of processes of the Swedish labour movement?s history that the Finnish Civil War occurred, and how it affected them.The conclusion of the study is that the there was a disparity between the leadership of the Social Democratic Party (SAP), which at the time was part of the Swedish government together with the liberal party, and the grassroots of the labour movement, organized in trade unions, and in the local organizations of the SAP and the Social Democratic Left Party (SSV).

The purpose of this thesis is to cast light on the residential area Rosengård in Malmö which during the years between 1965 to 1975 was part of a programme known as "Miljonprogrammet", a project which was supposed to put an end to the housing shortages. The purpose of this thesis is also to investigate the social consequences in Rosengård, which arose as a result of Miljonprogrammet. Rosengård is one of many immigrant-dense suburbs in Sweden that by the media is given an exaggerated negative portrayal. Through our work, we also want to bring out and highlight the true image of Rosengård. The questions that have served as our starting ground include; what were the thoughts behind Miljonprogrammet? What were the consequences of Miljonprogrammet? What does the true image of Rosengård look like? What can the new government do in order to improve the situation in Rosengård? In order to answer these questions, four interviews were conducted with specifically chosen people.

AbstractTitle: What TV-glasses do you wear? A study in how party-political people decode the TVshow Scooby Doo (Vilka tv-glasögon har du? En studie i hur partipolitiskt aktiva personer tolkar tv-serien Scooby Doo)Number of pages: 47 (54 including enclosures)Author: Christopher LandstedtTutor: Amelie HössjerCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Autumn term 2007University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: The aim of this essay is to make a study in how party-political people, 18-25 years old, both female and male, decode the messages in the TV-show Scooby Doo from 1969. Do they decode the show differently because of their political view, their gender or, and their social background? Is there a pattern in the decoding or is it based on a more individual level?Material/Method: A qualitative method containing a total number of 16 individual interviews with young adults, 18-25 years old, half of them female, the other half male, were used. All of the participants are members of political youth parties/organizations, equally divided in left and right wing parties.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate how Bahamas, a magazine belonging to the antideutsche current in German left-wing politics, acted during a two year period between the summer 2001 and 2003. When explaining the anti-deutsche phenomena and the editors? politics it is common to take the currents own history-writing as a fact, thus presenting the development of the current as a reaction to outside factors and impulses outside. In this thesis it is stressed that the editors are far from only passively reacting, rather the opposite is true. I claim that the editors have a fixed ideology that they strive to implant in to certain parts of the radical left.