I denna uppsats undersöks vilka stereotyper om feminism och feminister som förekom i opinionsartiklar i Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet och på debattsidan Newsmill.se från och med 1 januari 2009 till och med 23 november 2011. Kriterierna var att skribenten tar avstånd från feminism och detta ska ske i artikeln i fråga. Vidare undersöktes vad dessa skribenter menar med jämställdhet om de ser detta som ettmål att eftersträva och hur detta mål ska uppnås utan feminism. Undersökningen tog fasta på begreppen feminism och jämställdhet och en tematisk analys av hur feminister som grupp framställs genomfördes. Utöver vanligt förekommande feministiska stereotyper, som att de är lättirriterade och splittrar kärnfamiljen, framkom även att feminister anses stå för odemokratiska värderingar.

This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and xenophobic) views.

SammanfattningJag har valt att problematisera varför vissa grupper och aktörer inte vill kalla sig för feminister och istället säger att de är för jämställdhet. Jag påstår därmed att på grund av det avståndstagandet har antifeminismen vuxit fram.Ordet feminist kopplas ofta samman med en vänsterpolitik, därför har jag valt att belysa högerns åsikter angående feminismen och jämställdhetsbegreppet. Jag har alltså utsett att undersöka en offentlig tyckare; Susanna Popova och det politiska fältet med Moderaterna och Kristdemokraterna. Orsaker till deras avståndstagande är feminismens starka koppling till vänsterpolitiken, att den är för generaliserande och fokuserande på endast kvinnan och hennes behov i samhället samt att feminismen endast tycks se till det kollektiva agerandet.Genom att ha belyst högersidans åsikter har jag visat på att jämställdhetsmålet inte behöver se likadant ut, liksom vägen till att uppnå jämställdhet i samhället.NyckelordAntifeminism, Feminism, Jämställdhet, Backlash, Popova, Moderaterna, KristdemokraternaAbstraktI have decided to problemize why people do not call them self feminists and instead say that they are ?for equality?.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss and analyse the media debate about feminist self-defence, by pointing out the pros and the cons. The arguments in favour could be separated into three different parts: statistical arguments, psychological arguments and justice arguments. The counter arguments could also be separated into three parts: general arguments, violence-related arguments and gender-related arguments. In short, feminist self-defence is built on women's experiences of men's violence. It contains three different parts to help women avoid violence, threat of violence, insult and sexual harassment.

In 2003 the parties in Sweden were invited to debate reforms of the Constitution. The purpose of this essay is to study the debate concerning reforms of the Constitution and identify values expressed by the parties. Moreover the goal of the essay is to connect the identified values to the three democratic ideals, which are; electoral democracy, participation democracy and deliberation democracy. This analyze is based on the idea analyze.The conclusion is that all parties have argued that the Swedish Constitution should be based on the democratic ideal of electoral democracy. However, the right wing parties have also argued for inflection of participations democracy and deliberation democracy in the constitution.

Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka och analysera vad och hur det skrivs om kvinnor och feminism i texter inom socialt arbete. Studiens frågeställningar handlade om vilka områden och sammanhang kvinnor främst beskrivs inom, vad och hur det skrivs om kvinnor samt vilken relation feminism och socialt arbete har i texter. Empirin bestod av 24 nummer av tidskriften ?Socionomen?, från år 2009 till 2012. De texter som valdes ut var brukstexter i form av annonser, notiser och reportage med kvinnor i fokus.

Syftet med vårt examensarbete var att genom värderingsöningar i en högstadieklass försöka stärka självkänslan och medvetandegöra unga flickors syn på feminism, kön och jämställdhet. Vi valde att dela ut anonyma ostrukturerade enkäter vid första tillfället som en förstudie för att få en inblick om varje enskilld individs syn och kunskap om ämnet. Sedan följde ett antal lektionstillfällen med värdringsövningar. För att kunna undersöka om värderingsövningarna påverkade flickorna så använde vi oss av strukturerade observationer som mätmetod där vi i förväg kunde fastställa vad vi ville titta på i form av ett observationsprotokoll för varje värderingsövning. Som slutstudie valöde vi att åter lämna ut samma enkät för att se om en förändring skett.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

The aim of this paper is in part to distinguish the ideas raised in the Swedish political debate on the new discrimination law in relation to protection of groups. Is protection by law against discrimination needed for the individual or the group? If it is needed for members of groups, are these groups viewed on as static or variable. Are there any conflicts present between group interests? We link these ideas to three different theoretical perspectives: multiculturalism, feminism and intersectionality and further examine the differences and contradictions between the perspectives represented by members of parliament.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

Offentliga diskurser har historiskt framställt feminitet och feminism som oförenliga med varandra. Feminitet framställs vanligen med en kvinna som besitter normativt feminina egenskaper, medan framställningen av feministen skildrat en radikal och manhaftig kvinna. Tidigare forskning visar att ordet feminist, för många individer, har en negativ laddning samt en otydlighet i innebörden av ordet. Detta speglar hur väl individen identifierar sig med feminism. Denna uppsats handlar om hur bloggaren UnderbaraClara, som aktör i den feministiska diskursen, på sin blogg positionerar sig till feminism och feminitet.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

Studiens syfte har varit att undersöka tonårstjejers syn på och konstruktion av genus och sexualitet och huruvida de anser att det finns samband mellan genus, sexualitet, jämställdhet och feminism. Fokus har legat på sexuellt handlingsutrymmer, förhållandet mellan kärlek och sexuella handlingar, på vilket sätt utseende och klädstil kopplas till kön och sexualitet, syn på hetero-, homo-, och bisexualitet samt tonårstjejernas grad av feministisk medvetenhet.Studien har byggts på kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med sammanlagt sju tonårstjejer mellan 15-20 år. Studien gör en postmodernistisk feministisk ansats och utgår i sin analys ifrån Yvonne Hirdmans och Judith Butlers teoribildning om genus, kön och sexualitet. Det blir genom studien tydligt hur de studerade tonårstjejerna förhåller sig till olika genusnormer kring hur en normal tjej bör vara, se ut och uttrycka sin sexualitet..

The purpose of this essay is to analyse how medial representations in a specific cultural debate expresses thoughts about gender, power and speech. The debate in question took place in Sweden 2010 and was about an inspection of sexual harassments in the Swedish acting area, made by Sveriges Radio, Ekot. This essay examines the made representations of the debate, with a feministic point of view and concludes that a male gaze shapes the form of speech and gives the debate a discourse sort of reasoning about gender. The special discourse formatted in the examined area contains a certain conception of power and the structure of power, which is also explained by the male gaze and the meaning of post-feminism..