This study is an assignment from the council of Södra Småland county to investigate how equality between boys and girls progresses at compulsory schools in Kronoberg county. The study was undertaken to find suggestions on how work with equality could best be stimulated.The key question was to elaborate how a decentralized rule and structural context of an organisation can affect an implementation of political decisions. The methodological approach adopted can be defined as inductive, it was analysed how the respondents from some selected schools in Kronoberg county themselves relate to the concept of equality between men and women and their experience and understanding of how the concept of equality between sex is understood in their work at school.School-legislation today demands that active measures are undertaken to promote equality between boys and girls and in general almost all the respondents of my study describe equality as an utterly important question. My findings although, at the same time, indicate a gap between Rhetoric and practice. The findings of my study suggest that structural relations and a decentralised organisation can constitute a hindrance for implementing equality between men and women in schools.

The right wing party the Sweden Democrats is through their conservative and nationalist approach and socio-political heritage, connected to various extreme-right populist movements, which have all been in conflict with different branches of feminism. This connection is argued for in relation to the research survey. The party has likewise been accused of pursuing misogynistic, homophobic and racist politics, but differ from its ideological peers due to their outspoken equality policy. The party shows strong rejection of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation or geographical, religious or ethnical background. In the analysis chapter of this study, texts produced by members of the party are analyzed by means of parts of Karlberg and Mral?s Rhetoric analysis method, aiming to clarify what ideals of family and the roles within it are being constructed.

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale.

This essay revolves around the reformation and sectorization of Swedish psychiatry starting in the 1970?s. Psychiatry was to change from being based in closed asylums to being an institution in the middle of society, finding social solutions to mental illness and working through a dynamic network of various care givers, such as welfare officers, nurses and psychiatrists. This new kind of psychiatry was first tested in Nacka, where psychiatric reformers Johan Cullberg and Bengt Berggren were the heads of a six-year long pioneer project of sectorized psychiatric care. My specific purpose is to analyze the new ideas of mental illness and of psychiatry?s role in society which were introduced in this project and how they were expressed in the official reports presenting it.The reformation was preceded by a public debate concerning psychiatry, which had intensified a few years around 1970.

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale.

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale.

Digital marketing has been changing continuously and rapidly since the introduction of Web2.0 ten years ago (Lin, Li, Deng, & Lee, 2013). Companies are now engaging their users intheir digital marketing by providing with interactive contents in digital campaigns. The digitalcampaigns are getting more converge with SNS (social networking sites) in order to let the usershare the content with others and therefore the e-WOM (electronic word of mouth) helps thecompanies digital campaigns to be shared by more users (Moran, Muzellec, & Nolan, 2014).The interactive content in the digital campaigns have shown to provide for engaged users andtherefore leads to loyal users. The reason for this has its roots in the culture of consumptionthat has brought our everyday consumption to a whole new level where we no longer justconsumes a product, we are the brand (Davis, 2013).The study, Click here for solidarity, aims to explain the interactive phases and Rhetorical elementsthat companies use to engage the user to interact with the content of the digital campaigns.The study is based on four digital campaigns in four different market areas in order to providewith an overall picture of how companies work with interactive and Rhetorical elements. Thusthe study falls into the area of marketing and branding.

In this essay my aim is to examine how the term utanförskap is constructed and defined as a social problem in the public arena of the Swedish Parliament. The term utanförskap was widely used in the election-campaign prior to the Swedish Parliament election in the year 2006. The term, mainly articulated by the Right-wing Alliance, was used to describe indi-viduals and groups that were depicted as being outside the Swedish society. In the political debate, work and benefit dependency were constructed as binary opposites, with the latter describing the individuals in utanförskap. Translated to English the term utanförskap would be something like ?the state of being outside? or ?outsidership?.

Syfte med uppsatsen har varit att underso?ka fa?rgens och gestikens pa?verkan pa? altarska?pets iscensa?ttning av bera?ttelserna och da?rmed a?ven budskapet. Uppsatsen har ett bildsemiotiskt perspektiv som en utga?ngspunkt. Materialet fo?r underso?kningen a?r ett flandriskt altarska?p fra?n Ska?nela kyrka som finns idag i Uppsala domkyrka.

This subject of interest in this paper is the ideas expressed and formulated in the making andinauguration of the Branting-monument at Norra Bantorget in Stockholm. The initiative for a monument honoring the late Social Democratic leader Hjalmar Brantingwas taken at the Swedish Social Democratic Party Congress in 1928. In 1935 the party board decided to give the task of designing the monument to the much renowned artist Carl Eldh. A national fund-raising campaign for the monument was also initiated. In1942 the model of the monument was completed, but because of the war it was stored in a shelter.

We were interested in catalogers as human beings and in their reaction to a changed working situation. In the light of the changes which have been made at the libraries during the nineties, we investigated why the very group catalogers reacted with an intense and engaged open debate at the same time as librarians with special competence didn t seem to react in this way. The open debate about the catalogers changed working conditions was held in Sweden, above all at BIBLIST, which is a forum for library-connected questions. This forum uses an email list made particularly for librarians. The situation of the librarians was, to a small extent, also discussed in publications made for the library line of business.

I denna kandidatuppsats undersöks berättelsers retoriska funktion i tidningen Situation Sthlm. Huvudsyftet är att undersöka om och i sådana fall hur berättelserna i tidningen bidrar till att uppnå tidningens publicistiska målsättning. I det ingår det underordnade syftet att undersöka om och i sådana fall hur berättelserna bidrar till att skapa identifikation hos läsarna. Materialet består av sex stycken berättelser som är tagna ur olika nummer av tidningen och samtliga berättelser handlar om hemlösa människor som själva är försäljare av tidningen. Uppsatsen bygger på teorier om vad en berättelse är, berättelsers retoriska funktion samt teorier om identifikation.

The thesis explores how the category religion is used discursively in Swedish public debates and in what way the discourses can be related to debate-positions. The thesis also exploresquestions of power and how social identities are negotiated: which identities are madepossible ? and encouraged ? by the discourse, and which are being excluded?The specific cases chosen are: (i) the election of Omar Mustafa as a substitute member of the governing board of the Social Democratic party in April 2013, (ii) the appointment of Elisabeth Svantesson as Minister of employment in September 2013, (iii) the debate concerning male circumcision (2011-2013), and, (iv) the debate about Jewish home education(2012-2013).The theoretical and methodological perspectives used in the thesis are discourse analysis and Pierre Bourdieu?s theory of social fields, usually interwoven together. Discourse analysis is mainly used to explore how the category of religion is attached to central binaries in the debates such as faith/politics, private/public, secularism/fundamentalism, etc., and also how chains of equivalences are established. Bourdieu?s theory of social fields is used tocontextualize the discourses in the specific debates and relate them to orthodox and heterodox debate-positions.

Uppsatsen behandlar hur USA: s president George W Bush använder civilreligiösa inslag i sin retorik under sitt första år som president. Han startade ämbetsperioden med att använda religiösa anspelningar i sitt installationstal., för att sedan fortsätta i samma anda hela året. Bush är inte den första presidenten att använda sådana retoriska knep. Ända sedan USA: s grundande har presidenterna förstärkt sin talarkonst genom att hänvisa till Gud och att landet är utvalt av Gud - ett nytt Israel. Landets presidenter har alltid varit mer eller mindre övertygade om att Gud står på USA: s sida.

Presidentvalet i USA baseras på personval istället för partival och detta personval inkluderar även presidentkandidatens partner. Presidentkandidaternas fruar diskuteras och analyseras idag lika mycket som presidentkandidaterna själva samtidigt som medierna diskuterar vilken av de tidigare presidentfruarna de kommer att efterlikna.Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka och analysera vilken retorik Michelle Obama och Ann Romney använder sig av i talen de ger på The Democratic National Convention respektive The Republican National Convention i ett försök att övertyga de amerikanska väljarna att deras man borde bli deras nästa president. Eftersom det visuella framträdandet bidrar till talets helhet ska även det undersökas och analyseras. Då Michelle Obama och Ann Romney har jämförts under hela valet görs det även här en komparativ analys av deras retorik samt deras visuella framträdande. En kvalitativ metod har valts för uppsatsen i form av en retorisk analys.