The purpose of this thesis is to historically describe how Fédération Internationale deFootball Association (FIFA) interprets how the discourse of anti-racism has developed withintheir own organization throughout the years. In doing so, the thesis lands in a present timeperspective and then aims to identify the norms which FIFA, according to the organizationitself, stands for in regard to anti-racism within world football. That standard of behavior isthen put in contrast with the hidden ideological conceptions which, with the applying of apost-colonial perspective, can be found in the rhetoric used by FIFA in expressing themselvesabout their anti-racism stand.The methodology used in this thesis builds upon a qualitative text analysis approach inwhich solely primary sources available through the official website fifa.com are considered.The study finds that anti-racism is a relatively young concept within FIFA and that the communicatedideal standard of behavior circles around terms such as unity, diversity, solidarityand equality. Further on, FIFA clearly articulates how the universal power of football as suchcan unite people and that FIFA, as the administrator of this the world?s greatest sport, can setan example for the rest of the world to follow when it comes to notions of tolerance and solidarityin preventing racism in the future.In following the terminology provided by the post-colonial theorists Homi Bhabha andGyatri Spivak, and applying the concepts of fixity and essentialism on the rhetoric aroundanti-racism, the study discovers that FIFA, in sharp contrast to the articulated norms, in factexpress ideological conceptions of skin as a barrier of difference between people, and thatFIFA on good grounds can be accused of reproducing racist stereotypes rather than bridgingthem.The study concludes that its findings clearly demonstrates the increased need of consideringsports, and more specifically international sport organizations, as a basis for researchwithin the academic field of International Relations, and that a postcolonial perspective verymuch can provide alternative understandings of how these actors operate and what influencethey might have in the international system..

This paper aims to explore those yet relatively unexplored dimensions of Frantz Fanons (1925-1961) authorship. Fanon, known to the world as a theorist of violence and revolution, was one of the first to ever map the language of the colonizer. The language of the colonizer was, as Fanon would have it, imbued with different notions of time, constructions of historicity and ideological principles of individuality that would dehumanize the colonial subjects. In line with that the colonizer would also speak of the colonized people in what Fanon called zoological terms. From within those different notions emerged a racist rhetoric consistent of, to quote Richard Delgado, words that wounded.

This study investigates the potential of a rhetorical theory of knowledge to expand beyond its own domain and into political theory, specifically theories of deliberative democracy. Despite the increasing interest in communication in democratic theory in the last decades, the majority of theorists have not turned their interest towards rhetorical science. On the contrary, theorists often regard rhetoric as dangerous and incompatible with the deliberative ideal of reason. The aim of this study is therefore to defend rhetorical science by investigating how the rhetorical theory of knowledge ? as it is presented by Chaïm Perelman and Oldbrecht Tyteca, and further developed by Mats Rosengren and Maria Wolrath Söderberg ? can contribute to the understanding of deliberative democracy.

The purpose of my study is to study Social Democrats immigration policy over the period 1990 and 2013. My material consists of party programs and motions that social democracy has raised in Parliament. As a research method I used McGee´s ideograph theory. I use a cluster analysis inspired by Kenneth Burke to analyze the meaning of those found ideographs. I also present and use Bitzers rhetorical situation in my analyzeWith help of Burke´s rhetorical situation I could see how the Social Democrats' rhetorical approach to immigration policy in the different periods in society.My investigation of the Social Democratic Party program and motions / propositions revealed the following ideographs: Democracy, solidarity, equality and freedom.

Invandrade kvinnor i Handels. Föreställningar om arbetskraftsinvandrade kvinnor i Handelsnytt 1961-1976. (Immigrant women in Handels. Conceptions of labour immigrated women in Handelsnytt 1961-1976).The primary purpose of this thesis is to analyze the written conceptions of labour immigrated women in Handelsnytt, a Swedish Trade Union magazine. The analyses of the conceptions are based on theoretical categories of class, gender and ethnicity.

For the sender of television advertising, it is important to utilize content that gives effect, especially to get the receiver?s attention and then maintain it (Hägg, 1998). What is the content of a commercial that creates effect? Previous research focused on the impact that commercials have on the receivers. A discussion of which content that produced effect in commercials does not occur.

In Swedish shops today there are a lot of magazines aimed at teenagers, which fight for young girls? attention. These teenage-magazines are one of the most important sources for young girls to get information about sex and love-relationships; therefor it?s important how these magazines portray it. We have examined how the magazine Frida has portrayed sex and love-relationships from 1991 until today. The way sex and love-relationships are portrayed in Frida?s articles affect the young readers in their process of building an identity. Using a combined rhetoric- and discourse analysis we found that the main focus in Frida is for the reader to have a love-relationship with a guy, instead of a physical sex-relationship.

Title: Crisis communication strategy and brand ? A case study of Swedish Red Crossthrough dialog analysisAuthor: Anneli SaarelaPresented: 01.06.2010Purpose: The study addresses the subjects of crisis communication and organisational brand, in relation to stakeholders and brand reputation. The purpose of this essay is to study the dialog regarding the crisis of remunerations with the Swedish Red Cross and how the organisation responds to the criticism. An identification and analysis of the discourse regarding the brand are also included in the study. Part of the empirical material will also be used in relation to Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT).

The purpose of this study is to analyze what criminological theory explanations the Sweden Democrats use in their criminal politics. The three main questions from which we assume are: How do the Sweden Democrats approach crime? On which criminological theory is the Sweden Democrat?s policy of crime based upon? And which measures and preventive methods do the Sweden Democrats find appropriate to fight criminality? Our hypothesis is that the Sweden Democrat?s reuse/reproduce the Labeling Theory and that the party with its standpoints in this area and the rhetoric used, create a risk for individuals and/or groups of people to be labeled. The labeling can then contribute to increasing crime, in the form of the self-fulfilling prophecy. Our study is a qualitative study, based on literature studies.

AbstractThis work is a pilot study intended to show what an experienced teacher of Swedish in first grade teaches and how she teaches. A further aim is to test methods for the analysis of Aristotle?s forms of knowledge in order to elucidate the teaching of reading and writing. As regards theory, the study proceeds from rhetoric and its doctrine of forms of knowledge according to which the whole in communication consists of episteme, techne and phronesis. The methods involve analysing the content of the communication and analysing speech acts, rhetorical figures and paralinguistic expressions.

This thesis aimed to describe how the ideological dividing line concerning the welfare state has changed between the two largest governmental parties in Sweden, the Social Democrats and the Moderaterna, during 1990 to 2010. The scientist Mark Blyth points out that ideas are important instruments for structural and institutional change by identifying ideas as weapons, blueprints and cognitive locks, which were being used in the theoretical framework. The empirical data was made by a qualitative analysis of the parliamentary speeches and debates from both parties held every year. The results shows that the budgetary law passed in 1997 became a new institutional blueprint, which changed the political conditions for the Social Democrats. Furthermore, the results point to a change in the Moderaterna?s rhetoric concerning the welfare state to a more pragmatic view. .

On the 12:th of April 2011, the Swedish tabloid magazine Expressen publishes a story, claiming that Ola Lindholm, presenter of critically acclaimed TV-show ?Wild Kids? has been suspected and apprehended on cocaine allegations. The serious allegation called for Ola Lindholm to defend himself against the allegations. His only public response was a blog-post where he claimed his innocence, albeit with some reservations.  The purpose of this paper is to analyze Lindholm?s rhetorical defense.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the subject matter of visual communication in presentation brochures of two Swedish regions: Region Halland and Region Dalarna. My focuses are the following questions: what is the aim of the brochures and in what ways does the visual material relate to that aim? How can strategic communication be defined through a visual perspective and in what ways is it useful in the context of presentation brochures of the regions? What sort of communicational functions are specific for the visual material in relation to the written language of the brochures? Lead by these questions, I start by analyzing the brochures through a textual analysis and a social semiotic approach. The result shows that the aim seems to be both political and commercial, but that the visual elements relate more strongly to the commercial aim than to the political aim by the way they strive to present a positive image of the region. The visual elements work in strategic ways that I define as visual strategies.

The first ad was published in Sweden 1645. Advertising itself is not a new phenomenon, it's just the conditions that has been changed. Today, advertising is a matter of course in our daily lives, every day we are exposed to thousands of messages that wants to persuade and convince us to consume. In this paper, we have looked into the semiotic and rhetorical tricks that are used for this particular persuasion, and we have investigated whether they have changed in the last 60 years or if the same tricks are still being used today. Our two hypotheses is: A) the rhetorical and semiotic basis of an ad looks the same today as 60 years ago.

The aim of this paper is to describe the position of the Swedish welfare state within the shaping of a Swedish national identity. This is done through the study of Mångkulturåret 2006, and its rhetorical context. The point of departure is that history is formed continuously in current speech and a text analytical method has been used. Mångkulturåret was issued by the Department of Culture as an extended perspective of Cultural politics. The rhetoric used in the official document Agenda för Mångkultur is analyzed through a comparison with earlier official documents on the field of multiculturalism and integration.