The ambition of this paper is to study the construction of the categorization between ?us? and ?them? in a religious minority, represented by Jehovah?s Witnesses and a nationalist political party, represented by the Swedish Democrats. This will be done by a discursive psychology analysis of their official publications on each group?s website. By a deductive study using Henri Tajfel?s Social Identity Theory trying to disclose the psychological processes; social categorization, social identity, social comparison and psychological distinctiveness.

This thesis has aimed to study steering process and institutionalization in the context of educational policy work. This has been conducted by using empirical material from the political decision-making process that preceded the implementation of a new national program on how principals should be educated and certified. By using an aggregated theoretical point of view containing new institutionalism and traditional Swedish curriculum theory, the process was analyzed from different perspectives. The results depict a process that contained several actors who tried to shape the principal education program differently. From the theoretical perspectives, the decision-making process could be understood as an act of both self-interest as well as trust in their own beliefs and cultural values.

There is a settled stereotype for women and men which give them different possibilities in our society. The schools, which are one of the most important sources of knowledge, have a great possibility to influence. This is the reason why we are interested in how the schools are working with a project, which we will call X henceforth. What was the purpose with the project and what does it contain? What is missing in the former education, since the project was started? Are there any obstacles or prerequisite in the design of the project or in the school teaching on the basis of X? We have done interviews in the gathering of empirical material to find out all the answers to our questions.

Sweden's government says in the bill 2008/09: 140 that military service should be suspended and replaced with a system based on voluntary recruitment. In the essay, I will make an argument analysis of the parliamentary debate on the bill from the 12th of June 2009 with the following questions: On what is the different side?s argument based on? Are the arguments essentially and factually substantiated? Is there a clear political party tendency among the for-/counter arguments? The method is a "Pro et contra" analysis, a logical systematization of the arguments. The analysis will take start in the headline; Conscription should be suspended in favour of a voluntary system based on contract employed soldiers. The presentation of arguments in the analysis will be guided by the chronological order.

This thesis has aimed to study steering process and institutionalization in the context of educational policy work. This has been conducted by using empirical material from the political decision-making process that preceded the implementation of a new national program on how principals should be educated and certified. By using an aggregated theoretical point of view containing new institutionalism and traditional Swedish curriculum theory, the process was analyzed from different perspectives. The results depict a process that contained several actors who tried to shape the principal education program differently. From the theoretical perspectives, the decision-making process could be understood as an act of both self-interest as well as trust in their own beliefs and cultural values.

The aim of this study is to examine how young people look at and perceive drugs by studying how they discuss and reason about drugs. The essay's main interest is not whether young people use drugs or not. We are primarily interested in how young people talk about drugs. The questions that we want to get answered are:What are the beliefs that young people have about drugs, drug use and drug users? More specifically we seek answers to which images, symbols and attributes that young people links to drugs, drug use and drug users.What is important in young people's construction of beliefs about drugs and drug users? More specifically, which are the information sources and reference groups that young people assigns significance?We used focus group interviews as the research method.

The ambition of this paper is to study the construction of the categorization between ?us? and ?them? in a religious minority, represented by Jehovah?s Witnesses and a nationalist political party, represented by the Swedish Democrats. This will be done by a discursive psychology analysis of their official publications on each group?s website. By a deductive study using Henri Tajfel?s Social Identity Theory trying to disclose the psychological processes; social categorization, social identity, social comparison and psychological distinctiveness.

Android is one of the leading software platforms for the new generation of smartphones. The market for applications is growing rapidly. So to be able to compete with such large competition the applications need a solid and stable development methodology. Therefore have we created an application based on a test-driven development, to investigate if the methodology was applicable on the Android platform. The conclusion is that Android?s suitability for test-driven development is dependent on the application that is being developed and if difficulties concerning the testing framework can be avoided.

Who is the journalist, a conversation analysis of interviews with party leaders during the 2006 election period, focus on the ideology of journalismÖrebro University, Department of Humanities, Media- and Communication studies, C-studySupervisor: Mats EkströmAuthor: Erica HellstrandIn contemporary society the media is part of the politics, or maybe, politics is part of the media. Whatever the case, they are important to each other, the media play a conclusive role in the connect between politics and citizens, and thus, results of election. The relation between the media and politics should continuously be studied and discussed in the continuously changing modern society.This paper examines the practice of news journalism in interviews with swedish party leaders during the 2006 election period. Focusing on how the ideology of journalism and the professional identity of journalists affect the practice the researcher hopes to contribute to the further understanding of the area. Steven E.

During the period after the Second World War Sweden underwent a quick transformation due to a strong economic development. Decades-long rule for the Social Democratic Party now led to the creation, in Sweden, of a modern welfare state. This period in Swedish history is often considered to be the time when ?the Swedish model? was formed. Tage Lindbom (1909?2001) was a historian and intellectual in the Swedish labor movement.

AbstraktTransformativt ledarskap och empowering ledarskap undersöktes i en kvantitativ studie där 89 medarbetare vid ett större skogsföretag i Sundsvall besvarade en enkät och skattade sina chefers ledarskapsbeteende. En principal komponentanalys visade stöd för att det var två olika typer av ledarskap, och multipla hierarkiska regressionsanalyser visade stöd för att effekterna av transformativt ledarskap och empowering ledarskap var ledarskapseffektivitet och tillfredställelse med arbetsledningen. Resultatet av studien överensstämde väl med tidigare internationell ledarskapsforskning och indikerar att det går att predicera vilka effekter ett ledarskap hade på medarbetarna och därmed indirekt på medarbetarnas prestationer..

Young people?s political influence has been surveyed, studied and discussed several times in Sweden during the last decade. There is a fear among the politicians that the young people are not interested in politics, especially not in party politics. On the other hand there is, among the youngsters a feeling of invisibility, not being seen or heard or for that sake respected. There are a lot of formal possibilities for young people?s political influence, but there are not as many real possibilities or situations to actually practice these possibilities.

There was a silence surrounding homosexuality in the People's Republic of Poland. One can almost get the impression that same sex love, and same sex relationships, did not even exist there; that the communists had successfully removed homosexuality from society. The roots of this silence can be found in the Communist Party´s disdain for anything deemed individualist and deviant, and also in the conservatism and religiosity of the Polish society.In my thesis I study when and how gays and lesbians found a way out of the silence that surrounded their sexuality. Gay men did so by creating subcultures, which found refuge in parks, public bathrooms and a few bars in larger Polish cities, and offered a sense of belonging for them. Lesbians, on the other hand, lacked this access to semi-public spheres, which made it even harder for them to find each other and create a space for their sexuality.

The aim of the study is to research if the Sweden Democrats portray themselves in a way that can be described as populistic and xenophobic and also if this portrayal has changed over time.In order to do so, the terms of populism and xenophobia has been defined by research and put together into two separate ideal types. Through the eyes of the two ideal types and their traits, four of the party programs of the Sweden Democrats have been researched to look at how they express themselves in the programs and if it can be connected to some of the traits within the two ideal types.The conclusion is that some of the traits are to be found in the programs, and that this also varies over time. From showing signs of both populism and xenophobia, the populistic traits become less over time, while the xenophobic ones instead increases..

This essay examines the appearance of Ha?kan Juholt, former party leader of the swedish social democratic party, in the norwegian/swedish talk show Skavlan, during Juholt?s crisis of confidence in the autumn of 2011. In this appearance it is clear that Juholt is badly treated by the host Fredrik Skavlan, and his guest, writer and journalist Linn Ullmann, while the audience seems to applaud and laugh at Skavlans and Ullmanns criticisms.The purpose of this essay is to investigate how, and why Juholt is treated in this way, and which rhetorical strategies Skavlan and Ullmann employ to create community between them selves and their audience. To understand this occurrence it is important to study Juholt?s rhetorical situation, and which conditions his lack of confidence creates for his appearance in Skavlan.