Ända sedan det kalla krigets slut har diskursen om den liberala demokratin varit hegemonisk. Det, menar vi, har skapat en osund situation där demokratins utformning och innehåll inte längre diskuteras. Därför har vi valt att undersöka den globala rättviserörelsens demokrativision, den enda som idag skulle kunna representera ett legitimt alternativ till den liberala demokratin. Eftersom det är en ostrukturerad grupp av diverse organisationer, rörelser och aktivister är det svårt att nå fram till en samlad vision. Vår analys bygger huvudsakligen på World Social Forums ?Charter of Principles?, en samling grundläggande principer som bildar en gemensam grund för alternativa politiska forum.

The aim of this theoretical study is to explain how the notion of the Other and Otherness affect individuals possibilities to form multiple, personal identities. This is done by the use of the theory of the Other and the construction of identities. In my analysis I will be using the power perspective presented by Lukes. The purpose of my study is also to investigate whether a focus on similarity over difference between groups can change the situation for individualsMy study shows that otherness affect individuals identity constructions through stereotyping and categorising. This is made possible by the use of power from outside and inside different groupings.

Fenomenet med kvinnliga självmordsbombare är en relativt ny företeelse. De senaste åren har det dock visat sig bli allt vanligare i till exempel Ryssland och mellanöstern. Media utformar rapporteringen kring kvinnliga respektive manliga självmordsbombare olika. Diskursen är låst till uppfattningen om att mannen är norm och att det finns olika anledningar till varför kvinnor jämfört med män väljer att använda sina liv som vapen. Till exempel framhålls ofta en kvinnliga självmordsbombares skäl till handlingen som personliga.

Många av världens ursprungsbefolkningar lever i nybyggarsamhällen, där deras situation präglas av en social marginalisering och tyngs av sociala problem. För att kunna ge ett bidrag och ökad förståelse kring denna problematik är studien utformad som en kritisk diskussion kring medborgarskapet. Det statliga medborgarskapet är centralt, eftersom det definierar vilka individer och kollektiv som inkluderas respektive exkluderas i en politisk gemenskaps specifika rättigheter och skyldigheter. Trots ett inkluderande i det formella medborgarskapet, har ursprungsbefolkningarna dock haft svårigheter att ta del utav dessa rättigheter. Medborgarskapet vilar på en konstruktion som utformats efter det hegemoniska nybyggar-kollektivets värderingar.

Uppsatsens syfte är att besvara vad som föranleder våldsamma yttringar, likt upploppen i Paris 2005 och Rosengård 2005. Jämförelsen mellan Paris och Rosengård medför en följdfråga om det finns liknande tendenser i Rosengård att fullskaliga upplopp likt de i Paris kan äga rum.Vi använder oss av en teori som bygger på att det saknas tillit mellan etniska grupper och majoritetsbefolkningen som kombinerat med en social utsatthet bildar en problematisk bild. Dessa två faktorer, brist av tillit och utsatthet, skapar ett spelrum för missnöje vilket kan yttra sig i våldsamheter. Det förefaller för oss vara faktorer vilka livnär sig av varandra, likt en ond cirkel. Variation finns emellertid mellan olika områden, där skillnader i graden av misstro och utsatthet visar på två olika situationer.

This is an interview based qualitative case study on two Women's Migrant Associations in Malmoe, which I interpret as being part of a women's movement, with characteristics of a new social movement. The aim of this study is to get a deeper understanding on how the collective identity is being constructed, in this women's movement where the membership is not based on an exclusive ethnic identity.I make a two dimensional analysis that departs from a social constructivist underpinning, including the theories Transversial Politics, Postcolonial feminism and New Social Movement Theory.First I analyze the construction of collective identity from the external social and cultural context, and get confirmed that the collective identity of the movement is based on a common experience of social exclusion and a plurality of actions that aims to fight the structural injustices based on gender and ethnic discrimination. Secondly I analyze how the collective identity is being constructed and maintained from the interactions between the members of the movement, from an understanding of Transversial Politics. My findings show that the members of the movement interact in a participatory democratic way which generally corresponds to Transversial Politics. According to Transversial Politics this can lead to a construction of an empowered inclusive collective identity for the members and as my empirical study confirms it also means possibilities for deconstruction of boundaries between social groups..

The violence against women is an important matter. In Sweden there are several organisations that takes care of the women and children in need.One of the many organizations you can turn to is women's shelter organizations. They are nonprofit organizations. They depend on the contribution of peoples free time and on the government's awareness of the work that the organization do. The social services has the main responsibility to take care of women and children in need.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att påvisa de likheter som finns mellan det kommunistiska KPML(r)/RKU och det nazistiska NSF i deras kritik mot den representativa demokratin. Uppsatsen bygger på en komparativ ideologianalys. materialet består av artiklar, rapporter och partiprogram som publicerats på Internet. I teoriavsnittet stödjer jag mig på Dahls och Lipsets problematiseringar av fenomenet demokrati- extremism och relationen mellan olika typer av extremism. Undersökningen visar att de nutida "vänster"- och "högerextremisterna" har mer gemensamt än vad som kan anas.

Today?s wind power plants are only compensated for their reactive power consumption at no-load. As the wind power plants grow bigger the amount of reactive power they need also increases. This is no longer a problem that can be ignored, especially as the net owners are beginning to charge the reactive power they transport.In this thesis a couple of different methods of compensation and their prices will be discussed and evaluated. Problems, such as self-excitation, that can occur if one fully compensates the wind power plant will also be brought to surface.

Today?s wind power plants are only compensated for their reactive power consumption at no-load. As the wind power plants grow bigger the amount of reactive power they need also increases. This is no longer a problem that can be ignored, especially as the net owners are beginning to charge the reactive power they transport.In this thesis a couple of different methods of compensation and their prices will be discussed and evaluated. Problems, such as self-excitation, that can occur if one fully compensates the wind power plant will also be brought to surface.

We chose to study the groups for divorced children in Vellinge municipal because there was no evaluation made of these kinds of groups with the involved methods.Vellinge municipal has had groups for children to divorced parents since 2000. During this period of time the total numbers of children in these groups have expanded. As of now, there are two groups.Our goal with this study was to see which way the CAP, Children Are People, manual has been implemented in the every-day work in the group. Several studies have been made about CAP but not in the context of groups for divorced children. We have also examined results in other municipals that have implemented groups for divorced children into their social services.We have interviewed ten children and four social workers.

The debate on the future of Nuclear power in Sweden has increased with the discussion on global warming. The uncertainty of fossil fuel- and carbonprices the latest years has aroused considerable interest in Nuclear from power companies, industry and politicians. Nuclear power plants have negligible CO2 emissions and are not directly affected by increased price of emission rights and fossil fuels. The future power production needs to reduce its emissions of greenhouse gases to become sustainable. The purpose of this study is to examine the value for power producers to have the option to invest in Nuclear power and how a Nuclear power venture would affect future electricity prices. The study uses two methods, a traditional cash flow model and real option analysis, to estimate the value of Nuclear power.

Regimen i Iran är i denna stund utsatt för stor press från USA och EU3 som vill få regimen att avbryta dess kärnteknikprogram. USA hävdar tillsammans med de europeiska stormakterna att det iranska kärnteknikprogrammet inte har fredliga syften, istället menar de att det används som kamouflage för att utveckla kärnvapen. Iran menar att påståendena är osanna och att landet är i behov av kärnenergi i takt med att deras befolkning snabbt expanderar. Syftet med vår uppsats är att bringa klarhet kring problematiken. Därför fokuserar vi på att undersöka Irans motiv för respektive emot ett anskaffande av kärnvapen.

This thesis treats the normative power of the European Union and its affect on Macedonia. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of Ian Manners theory of normative power on the Macedonian case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: Does the European Union act as a normative power in relation to Macedonia, if so, how are these values diffused? Has there been any effect of the spreading of these values? Based on six interviews and the available material of European Union strategies for the Macedonian membership I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union?s normative power has had an influence in Macedonia. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union as a normative power in Macedonia and the understanding of the methods of application..

The Russian-Georgian war of 2008 drastically changed Europe´s and Sweden´s political climate.Russiashowed that it is capable of successfully completing complex campaigns including ground, naval and air assets. However, not much has been said about the theoretical framework and doctrine of the Russian military of today. Even less has been researched about Russian use of air power and applied air theory. Are air power assets still considered primarily as support of ground offensives or has the theoretical framework changed?John A.