An inquiry into the post-war European aesthetic and political landscape should take the international organization Unesco?s colour reproductions and travelling exhibitions of paintings into consideration. In these, the organization implements André Malraux? idea of the ?imaginary museum? as a framework for a future cosmopolitical, aesthetic (and utopian) community. During the late 1940?s, the Swedish government also discusses the need for raising an ?aesthetic awareness? amongst their citizens as a consequence to a poor knowledge in the fine arts.

My paper, ?Us and Them ? an analysis of the creation of ?the Other? in The Reluctant Fundamentalist and The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas?, aims to examine Mohsin Hamid´s and John Boyne´s novels from the years 2007 and 2008. The paper tries to answer the following questions: How is ?the Other?and?Us and Them?created in the novels? And: What consequences does the thinking in terms of ?the Other?and?Us and Them?lead to in the novels? The examination is done through the method of close reading and by applying the theory of Orientalism and Edward W. Said?s analysis of the theory to the reading.It is, I believe, of utmost importance for teachers to create unity among their pupils, and peaceful and democratic classrooms where co-work is promoted.

Charles Hartshorne (1897-2000) was a religious philosopher. He adopted and developed the cosmologic thinking and concept of God from the philosopher Alfred North Whitehead, he was also influenced by Heidegger, Spinoza and other philosophers. According to Whiteheads religious philosophy Hartshorne claimed that there is a dualistic transcendence within the Godhead. A dualistic transcendence where one unity/transcendence of God is abstract, outside the creation and time and therefore is eternal. The other unity (or transcendence) is inside time and creation and closely in process to it .

This thesis examines the National Heritage Board in Sweden and the way they look upon themselves, the surrounding world and their mission. Methodologically it?s a discourse analysis based on poststructuralist and social constructionist thoughts. This means, simplified, that nothing is taken for granted and that power relations and ideology always matters. There is no true or distinct heritage.

Charles Hartshorne (1897-2000) was a religious philosopher. He adopted and developed the cosmologic thinking and concept of God from the philosopher Alfred North Whitehead, he was also influenced by Heidegger, Spinoza and other philosophers. According to Whiteheads religious philosophy Hartshorne claimed that there is a dualistic transcendence within the Godhead. A dualistic transcendence where one unity/transcendence of God is abstract, outside the creation and time and therefore is eternal. The other unity (or transcendence) is inside time and creation and closely in process to it .

This thesis contains a wider discussion on the analytical framework of classstudies in political science. The purpose is to put class into the light of a usefulmethodological and theoretical tool when it comes to studies on inequality and political,as well as scientific approaches and explanations to why people have awide range of differences in how they pursue their lives. It is my ambition to discusshow class relations can be theorized and explained within a given context, aswell as in society as a whole. I see the complexity of this field as a resource to enhancethe epistemological as well as the empirical discussions within the politicalscience scholars..

Charles Hartshorne (1897-2000) was a religious philosopher. He adopted and developed the cosmologic thinking and concept of God from the philosopher Alfred North Whitehead, he was also influenced by Heidegger, Spinoza and other philosophers. According to Whiteheads religious philosophy Hartshorne claimed that there is a dualistic transcendence within the Godhead. A dualistic transcendence where one unity/transcendence of God is abstract, outside the creation and time and therefore is eternal. The other unity (or transcendence) is inside time and creation and closely in process to it .

On the third of August 2002, in the middle of the ongoing Swedish election campaign, Lars Leijonborg beeing the leader of Folkpartiet (the Peoples Party) presented the partys new intergration programme for foreign nationals. One of the proposals was to instigate a language test for all immigrants seeking to obtain Swedish citizenship. This thesis addresses the medial debate that followed the proposal in the daily press. Using discourse analysis and postcolonial theory this thesis looks into the fact that there were not unity in the wake that followed the language test proposal resulting in one medial and one popular discourse. The newspapers investigated were largely negative in their tone, whereas on the opinion pages, the view of the people seemed much more positively inclined.

This paper examines the consequences of membership and participation in immigrant associations on individual immigrants? political integration and indirect political participation with reference to Swedish society. The theoretical underpinnings consist of a social structural outlook on social capital, combined with the Civic Voluntarism Model, both of which focus on the potential role of social networks for moving people into political action. After a presentation of parallel qualitative data over the experiences of individual members in a Finnish and Bosnian-Hercegovinian organisation, it is suggested that immigrant associations support the political integration of their members into the host society. Firstly, the case studies indicate that members of immigrant associations gain the opportunity to augment their civic skills, which is a significant prerequisite for political participation.

The aim of this study has been to, through a couple of chosen theories, examine in what way Japan as a nation can be said to have dealt with its dark past - concerning their crimes of war just before and during World War II. To do so, I have placed two chosen war crimes, namely the Nanjing Massacre and the matter of the Comfort Women, in the context of remembrance and commemorating of war, through different kinds of aspects. Those aspects are: the textbook conflict, official apologies, ruthless/unnecessary comments, and visits and commemorations at the Yasukuni shrine.I have found during this study that the nation of Japan has not been able to generate a broadly accepted dominant cultural memory of the war. Henceforth a couple of rival cultural memories are competing and becoming an issue of national division rather than national unity. I have come to the knowledge that there are both domestic and international political factors at play, resulting in this division..

In this essay I have studied the Swedish Working Class whose part of LO.Ideological texts in LO- Magazines is used to quote texts by collective orindividual terms. Method and theory material show high level of solidarity andequality while theory shows higher level of individualism and autonomy. Myresearch is closer to Boréus than Blocks. Politics taking under the 1980: s apowerful right turns holding a steady course through my material.The question in the essay is: What vision on the collective shows in theLO- Magazine in a time during individualization? Answer to this question is thatthe collective unofficially through LO: s: staff on central level tries to showstrength and unity with terms like solidarity and equality between the sexes.

The purpose of this essay is to study causes for the lack of political trust in Europe and especially in Sweden. The essay starts with a presentation of two theories about the reasons for low political trust. Robert D. Putnam among others presents a theory that gives social capital an important role when viewing the low political trust. As Putnam sees it a person that participates in any kind of organization, political or not, develop trust for other human beings that in the long run affects political trust.

The Catholic Church launched several crusades during the medieval ages in order to regainthe holy lands and spread the word of God. Their main enemy, the Muslims had grownstronger and needed to be suppressed. This common enemy united Europe under the banner ofthe Catholic Church. In order to fund these crusades the church turned to the wealthyEuropean kings and lords and asked for funding. In return the kings received an indulgenceletter, and also greater respect from their subjects because of their new appreciation from thepope.

Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union a lot of hope has been put on civil society to help develop Russia into a more democratic society. This study explores the constructive elements in the relationship between civil society and the state in Russia, and how this enables the work toward political development. By using Julie Fishers theory about political development and organisational autonomy I discuss the varying and often complex ways in which civil society and the state interacts. These are often not mentioned in the liberal tradition, which believes that civil society's most important democratic function is to act as a watchdog for the state.There is very limited political space for NGO's in authoritative Russia. The existing oppositional NGO's are important for the political development, but they are few and their impacts on society are limited.

The purpose of this thesis is to expose the political myth in the West about the ageing population seen as a threat against the welfare society. To do so I have described what a political myth is, and showed how it is presented in the most influential newspapers and organisations in the West. I have also presented alternative perspectives to the dominating view on the ageing population and it's impacts on welfare. In this way I have tried to point out that the subject has a political dimension. In the thesis last section I compare the message presented in the newspapers and the organisations with the characteristics of a political myth.