Marks do not only work as an acknowledge of the effort that has been made under a long period of time, but also as a receipt for eligibility to further studies. Within the political debate, marks have often caused a big discussion among the political parties. That is due to the obvious difference between the political parties on the left, and their counterparts on the right. However, there is one thing that they all have in common. Everyone of them have plans of measure within their political agenda, regarding the use of marks.The aim of this study has been to try to understand the way pupils think about marks.

The purpose of my study is to examine how children through interaction are recognized and understood by other children and teachers at the preschool for one hour in the afternoon. This study gives voice to what young children in preschool do after snack. The overall purpose of this study is to find out what young children's experiences will be in preschool through interaction. The purpose of my research is to gain knowledge about how the time and opportunity for interaction exists between children 1;7-2;5 years, and educators as well as other children, and how this interaction appears during afternoon activities in the preschool.My research questions are:1) What experiences do children get in terms of their development of identity for one hour in the afternoon? 2) How does the interaction that the youngest children are involved in during the afternoon appear? And how long time does every occasion last? The study is based on the interactionist perspective and systems theory.

Titel: En kvalitativ fallstudie hur aktörer skapar och bibehåller förtroende i organisationer med fördelat ansvar Nivå: Kandidatuppsats Författare: Jens Bergvik och Hanna Eriksson Handledare: Stig Sörling och Tomas Källquist Datum: 2015 ? januari Syfte: Enligt tidigare forskning är förtroende grunden för många av organisationens resultat och basen i fungerade relationer och samarbeten. Sambandet mellan förtroende och den ansvarsfördelade organisationen är identifierad men saknar praktisk forskning, då en ansvarsfördelad organisation kräver samarbete beroende på att många har befogenhet till ansvar och beslutsmakt. Syftet med denna studie är därmed att ge en ökad förståelse för hur aktörer skapar och bibehåller förtroende samt att belysa förtroendets roll i ansvarsfördelade organisationer. Metod: Studien har utgått från ett hermeneutiskt perspektiv och fenomenet som studerats ses vara av socialkonstruktivistisk art. Med hjälp av deduktion har teori och empiri arbetats fram där grunden för studien har varit i form av en fallstudie som antar ett kvalitativt angreppssätt genom semistrukturerade intervjuer. Resultat & slutsats: Studien tyder på att förtroende är svårt att beskriva då det uppfattas som en abstrakt fenomen och därav avsaknaden av konkreta verktyg.

The subject this thesis will investigate concerns the matter of how political ideologies exist within public libraries with a focus on the democratic ideal. Public libraries are part of the political system and we want to show how political ideologies take their shape in public libraries and the possible consequences of this. With the help of three major political ideologies, liberalism, conservatism and socialism we investigate how the democratic ideals of these ideologies are expressed in documents that describes activities the libraries will and have performed. In order to identify these ideologies we use discourses in cultural policy as a bridge between the investigated documents and the political ideologies. As an analytical tool we have developed a model that describes the relation between text, discourse and ideology which we use in our analysis.

Introduction: Increased savings in funds has enforced the importance of the institutions. During the last 25 years they have augmented their ownership from 20 to 85 % of the Swedish stock exchange. Thereby the ownership becomes more and more financial, meaning that the return is the most crucial. In an article in Dagens Nyheter the president of the Swedish Shareholders Association and the president of Metall object to the institutional passivity which they consider being an important problem. Purpose: The purpose of this essay is to put the institutional passivity in perspective.

Since the beginning of the 1990s, Swedish society has gone through a great change. Firstly with the personal computer and then with the internet moving in to everyday life, a new arena for interaction with society evolved. Work, education, doing bank errands and reading or discussing the news, just to name a few, now all take place in the virtual world online. Not to mention social media sites such as twitter, instagram or facebook, the last of which has over half of the Swedish population represented as members.   Companies, corporations, interest groups, political parties and politicians must be aware of the massive impact that a post spread through social media can have.    This thesis will, with the text analyzing tool, argumentation analysis, and on the theoretical platform of political communications theory, analyze three of the most viral Swedish political posts spread over 120 000 times each, to see if there are any combined qualities that point to the fact that there is a formula for getting a post to become a viral success on social media.    The main result showed that of the three posts analyzed, all were built up around a factual thesis, argued for with foremost example arguments, not only appealing to the logical branch of argumentation but also to the ethical, and that they tended to be of high relevance and sustainability. The conclusion must therefore be that these are all qualities that tend to be of relevance for making a political post on social media into a viral success..

Author: Maria Gustafsson and Sofie IngströmTitle: ?Ett medlevarskap det är något alltså, något alltså jättespeciellt? - En studie om hur ett behandlingshem kan påverka anknytningsmönster.Keywords: relationships, attachment, home of treatment for youth, youth, significant others, trust.In our essay we had an aim to see how Hassela, Gotland affected the youths who lived there. We wanted to know if they had a secure or insecure attachment to their parents and if the attachment was affected after a time at Hassela. We were interested in what kind of attachment figures they had before they came to Hassela, Gotland and how they looked at themselves and others before they came there and if that had been changed.We used a qualitative method and we did ten interviews with youths who had been at Hassela, Gotland eight months or longer. We based our analysis on the attachment theory.

The Swedish election year of 2010 has just begun and the political actors are mobilizing their communication efforts to win the votes of the public. The political campaigns of 2010 have the potential to be the first where a new channel for political communication has the potential to make a difference ? the social media. This paper aims to describe in what ways a Member of Parliament, Nina Larsson (FP), together with the PR-agency Hello Clarice are using social media to conduct political campaigning on the web. It also aims to study if the professional consultants of Hello Clarice have any influence over Nina Larsson?s political communication.The theoretical framework which is the base for this study are theories of an extended public sphere in the age of mediation.

This thesis is concerned with political mobilization and the construction of a collective andsocial identity. The main purpose of the study is theoretical which emphasize their interaction.In order to do this I study the two phenomenons by seeing them as cases of each other. Wecannot understand one of the two phenomenons without taking into account the other as well.In addition, the secondary aim of my thesis is empirical. I use the political transformationduring the 70th and 80th on the eastern seaboard of Nicaragua to relate my theoretical analysisof political mobilization and the construction of identities. Nicaragua will provide mytheoretical analysis with new insights.

The purpose of this study was to investigate how the interviewed people feel about being described in portrait interviews and how exactly it matches with their own image of the interview. The main issues were: Do they recognize themselves in the published article? If they don?t, what do they think it depends on? If they had the opportunity to read the article text before publishing, to what extent were they allowed to make changes to the text? Do the interviewees trust the local papers? This report involves a qualitative study on portrait interviews from the local newspaper Barometern. The articles were selected between June and November this year. The criteria for the selection of articles were that it was to deal with a single person and there be one photograph of this person in the article as well.

Abstract Essay in political science, C-level, by Patrik Larsson, autumn semester 2007.Tutor: Susan Marton The battle over the agenda-Can media be regarded as an individual political actor? The purpose of this essay is to study to what extent media can be regarded to function as an individual political actor. In other words, do the media have more power over the political agenda than the politicians and do the media influence how the politicians make their decisions. This research is a case study and to be able to complete the intention of this study I have used Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaws theory, the agenda-setting theory. From this theory I have used four aspects to analyse my material which has consisted of editorials from a Swedish newspaper, interpellations and debates that belong to the interpellations. The aspect I have worked with are, how the problem is defined, who is responsible for the problem, what values and which solutions are expressed.  I have used a qualitative text analysis as my methodological approach which means that the results of my study are my interpretation of the material. My conclusions are that the media in this case shouldn?t be regarded as an individual political actor because there is no tendency that shows that the media has influenced the government in their decisions concerning the real-estate tax.

This thesis examines the possibility of Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? getting their demands of a gender equal society fulfilled in the new state which was initiated in 2005 when Evo Morales became the first president representing the indigenous people of the country. By using a qualitative method I have showed that although the Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? historically has been significant political actors for social change in the country, with representation at both regional and national level, Bolivian women are still subordinated in the social and political sphere. By applying a feminist intersectional perspective which takes its point of departure in a understanding of power as multidimensional, where gender, ethnicity and class are constitutive principals, multiculturalism theories and a social movements theory framework, I have found that even if institutional changes, that opened the system increased the indigenous women?s social movements political participation in Bolivia, power structures based on gender limited their possibilities to influence both socially and politically.

AbstractThe purpose of this theses is to compare three different political groups, The IRA, The Baader-Meinhof group and the Al Qaida, who have all used terroristic methods to achieve their separate goals.By finding out about their history, goals, structures and methods I have made a comparison to see what joins them, what separates them, what originated the birth of their movements and how they can or could proceed with their violent actions to the point that they had actual impact on international politics.It has all been done through a litteraturebased study.My focuse has been on Al Qaida since it's is the only one of the three who is still active today and who, through its cellstructure, represents a new form of global terrorism that may have great influence on the structural patterns of other political groups and criminal organizations in the future.Key words:Al QaidaBaader-MeinhofIRATerrorismCellstructure.

In order to fully grasp the phenomena 'City' we must understand its political structure as an integrated part of its physical structure and vice versa. This thesis focuses on one crucial element of the City, the public space, and discusses it in relation to the public realm, or sphere, of the City. The aim is to see if it is possible to conceive public space as a spatial dimension of power, and if so, how to analyse this. With the help of the theoretical tool of two ideal types of the configuration of public space, "The city as civic public life" and "The city as authoritarian control" an empirical study is carried out on the case of Prishtina, capital of Kosovo.Conclusions made are that function and use of a city's public spaces can be understood in relation to changes in the political climate of the society. Furthermore, a void in the asset of concepts offered by the ideal types is found ? and therefore also need for new concepts to describe and understand a public space undergoing a dynamic transformation, as being a part of a city in political transition..

The main objective of the essay is to define the meaning of the termgovernance network on the basis of democratic values ? both normative andimperial - with the aim to analyse the prospects to develop an effective anddemocratic governance. Democratic values as well as civil participation,enlightenment, responsibility and approachability are discussed, but also moreeffectivness orientated values.It is clear from the presentation how normative and democracy models putdifferent values in focus, with the consequence that other values are played downor pushed aside. Compared to imperial research in partnership ? by definition atype of network arrangement - and with a starting point in democracy andefficiency, the networks are discussed as political formation.In what sense can the actual existing network arrangements meet and fulfil thedefined political values? As no straight forward answer exists, there is an ongoingconflict between the political demand for slowness and the effectiveness demandfor flexibility and mobility..