The purpose of this essay is to examinate the statements and verbal attributions of King CarlXVI Gustaf of Sweden in the early 2000?s. More exactly I?ve got two question formulations:Which statements does king Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden make during the early 2000?s and are thesestatements, in line with the king?s attributions, non-political, party-politically neutral and noncontroversialaccording to different perspectives? Question number two is if there are to find anyboundaries for where the verbal attributions of Carl XVI Gustaf seem to go when he expresses himself inthe role as the king of Sweden and the chief of state in the early 2000?s. My procedure is to read theChristmas speeches of Carl XVI Gustaf during the 2000?s and use former beheld statements of Carl XVIGustaf to seek answers to the research questions.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen har varit att analysera innehållet i Belinda Olssons tv-serie Fittstim ? min kamp som sändes i SVT under början av år 2014. Uppsatsen har undersökt vilka relationer och identiteter programmet innehåller för att komma fram till vilken bild av feminismen det är som representeras.Uppsatsen består av en övergripande forskningsfråga: hur representeras feminismen i programmet? Samt underfrågorna: hur ser identiteter, relationer och representationer ut i programmet? Hur går serien tillväga för att svara på programmets huvudfråga ?är feminismen på rätt väg? För att besvara frågeställningarna har en del ur lingvisten Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys används.Den teoretiska ramen uppsatsen bygger på består av teorier kring programgenrer, representation, definition av begreppet feminism, ett postfeministiskt medieinnehåll samt teorier gällande makt och ideologi hämtade från bland annat Fairclough.Tidigare forskning berör medias konstruktion av feminism och representationen av kvinnor i media.Uppsatsens slutsats och diskussion kommer fram till att den feminism som representeras är den som förekommit i mediebruset ? någonting som kan kopplas till Belinda Olsson själv som kallar sig ?media-feminist?. Även det postfeministiska perspektivet är centralt i uppsatsens slutdiskussion eftersom Belinda Olsson som feminist ifrågasätter feminismen i ett program som i sin tur anser sig kartlägga feminismen. Framgår det vad som är subjektiva åsikter och vad som är allmängiltig fakta? Detta är frågor som funnits med under uppsatsens gång.

The problem with narcotics is one of Sweden?s biggest social problems. Statistics shows thatthe number of narcotic related deaths and the numbers of heavy drug users are increasing. Thepresent narcotic policy has been questioned due to this increase. As a social worker you meetdrug users on a daily basis.

Uppsatsen studerar representationen av romer i miniserien Den förste zigenaren i rymden (Agneta Fagerström-Olsson, 2002), med fokus på verkets bild av romerna och tillämpningen av de audiovisuella uttrycksmedlen.Studiens teoretiska och metodologiska utgångspunkt består i en av Richard Dyer inspirerad definition av representation, Stuart Halls utläggning om stereotypering och motståndsstrategier, Edward W. Saids resonemang gällande ?vi och de Andra?, Robert Stam och Louise Spences metod fokuserande tillämpning av audiovisuella uttrycksmedel i audiovisuella verk, samt Claudia Gorbmans och Kevin J. Donnellys tankar om filmmusik, jämte tidigare forskning i ämnet.Analysen avtäcker att representationen av romer i Den förste zigenaren i rymden är komplex. Å ena sidan stärker miniserien, genom innehållet och ljudspåret, flera ?zigenarstereotyper? och översätter mestadels ?rom/roma? med ?zigenare?.

Vi har gjort en utvärdering av FN:s insatser i Kongo 1960-1964. Vi har analyseratutifrån en konflikthanteringsmodell som vi har hämtat ur Contemporary ConflictResolution av bland annat Oliver Ramsbotham. I denna modell är peacekeepingoch peace enforcement centrala inslag. Med dessa begrepp åsyftas fredsbevaranderespektive fredsframtvingande åtgärder för att nå fred eller förhindra krig.Resultatet av vår analys är att delar av insatsen var framgångsrik, däriblandpeace enforcement. Långsiktliga åtgärder för fred saknades dock, vilket ledde tillatt våldsamheterna åter tilläts blossa upp när FN lämnade landet.Resultatet av vårt arbete kan användas för att visa på att peace enforcementhar använts och kan vara en framgångsrik metod för FN i framtida situationer..

The aim of this thesis is to analyse and problematize the concept of culture and its changes during the 1960s. By examining articles out of the periodical Ord&Bild 1962-1972, I show how an aesthetically marked concept, closely related to the concept of art, changes into an anthropological perspective where attention is drawn to the social, economical, political and ideological aspects. This change is viewed in relation to the works of three prominent cultural theorists from the 1960s: Raymond Williams, Marshall McLuhan and Herbert Marcuse.The change that the concept of culture undergoes can be illuminated in several ways. Epistemologically questions of art, its objectivity and relation to reality, are replaced by questions of the function of art and of its role as reproducing ideas and norms of a bourgeois society. Economical and social aspects are used as critical factors in discussing the role and conception of culture, a perspective that gives the discussion a political and ideological edge.

It is estimated that approximately 10 000 people are living in Sweden after having been rejected residence permit or asylum, meaning that they have to hide from the authorities while facing a risk of being deported by means of violence as they do not wish to leave voluntarily.For their existence, a vast number of people employed by the public administration can be expected to contribute to the wellbeing of the hidden people through their professions as bureaucrats.The bureaucrats can thereby be expected to be torn between different sets of value systems, roles and obligations towards the state and towards the hidden people.In this master thesis, I examine how five bureaucrats motivate their acting for the sake of the hidden people in terms of legitimacy, legality and morality in their administration, towards their ethic responsibilities and towards society as a whole.The results show that the bureaucrats see themselves as saviours of ethical values in an illegitimate administration where economic efficacy and arbitrary decision-making constantly transgresses The Human Rights, ratified by the Swedish Parliament..

The purpose of this study is to interogate the tension-laden relationsship between men (of the dominant classes and ethnicities) and feminism. Closely linked to this lies the question of how valid and relevant official Swedish goals of gender equality can be to the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden.The essay is mainly an in-depth qualitative study concerned about questions such as; how does feminist researcher in Sweden perceive the question of men in/doing feminism and what are the implications of these perceptions for the Swedish goals of gender equality? Thus, in this study I´ve interviewed six feminist researchers, five women and one male, about their view of men doing/in/and feminism and about the adequacy of equality goals to the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden.The main questions I posed in this essay was prompted by the Swedish political scientist Bo Rothstein accusation of two feminist Swedish researchers, Yvonne Hirdman and Maud Eduards, of deliberately harassing men interested in feminist theory and striving to create women-only spaces at the different Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research around Sweden. This would according to Rothstein violate the Swedish goals of gender equality where equal representation is essential.However, the empirical material shows a benign attitude towards men doing feminism and the interviewed all stressed the importance of diversity among feminist scholars and students.As for the Swedish goals of gender equality, the interviewed expressed diverse and contradicatatory answers concerning how valid those goals should be to the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden.Contrasting the empirical material, my own argument in this essay circles around a critique of the validity of the Swedish goals of gender equality to the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden. Seeing men as a group with groupbased experiences, perspectives and interest puts the female dominance at the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden in another light, making the absence of men not a question of harassment but a question of male privilege to stay ignorant and indifferent of gender relations..

The health care is an important part of the welfare services in Sweden. Therefore it is of large interest that it is well performing. A part of this is related to how the health care is organized. This essay examines how the Swedish health care has been organized between 1960 and 1990 and what organizational changes that have been made to the health care. It shows that the Swedish health care has un-dergone many organizational changes the last decades.

This study aims at contributing to the studies of political implementation. The theory of implementation claims that local implementation that meets the demands of national policies is close to none existing. By examining the implementation of industrial policy in two Swedish municipalities that differs in location, prosperity and political believes I am putting the theory to the test. If the test were to show that the implementation is rather well executed in these two cases, where the risk of failure is great, the questions about whether the theory is valid or not will rise.By interviewing the two local government employees in charge of the work with industrial policy, and studying their strategic documents I got my answers. This by looking at their work but also their attitudes towards the national policy in terms of understanding the policy, being able to work with it, and wanting to work with it.

AbstractThis thesis analyzes the Russian Foreign Policy Doctrine from a broad theoretical perspective, with the aim of describing and explaining the doctrine using a number of theoretical approaches. Russia's foreign policy has undergone substantial changes since Vladimir Putin became president in the year 2000, involving a radical shift in foreign policy objectives and thereby moving away from the more confrontational and distrusting policies which characterized the Boris Jeltsin regime. Putins doctrine, based on pragmatism and seeking partnership and collaboration with the West, can be described as a near revolutionary re-orientation of Russia's foreign policy guidelines, meaning a transformation of the country's self image which implies a rejection of great power status and a search for a new role in the international community.Our thesis has examined explanatory variables such as the domestic political situation in Russia, the contemporary international system and President Vladimir Putins system of beliefs in order to describe and explain the doctrine. Our results show that the doctrine is largely a product of Putins personality, values and beliefs, but also to a large extent a consequence of necessities, namely the poor Russian economy and the fact that the country no longer can withstand an all out conflict with the West involving an excessive arms race.Keywords: Vladimir Putin, pragmatism, realism, domestic politics, radical change..

Denna C-uppsats analyserar genom kvalitativt inneha?llsanalytiska metoder utvalda delar av BBC:s bevakning av upploppen i England i augusti 2011. Metodmodellen a?r egenkonstruerad, men anva?nder element ur kritisk diskursanalys (CDA, Faircloughs tilla?mpningar), samt delar av de metodverktyg som tas upp i Selby och Cowderys metodhandbok How to Study Television. Materialet underso?ks i fyra steg: konstruktion, kategori/genre, inverkan/agency samt diskursiv praktik/nyhetsva?rdering.

Behovet av oberoende kontroll har ökat i och med New Public Managements spridning. I Sverige fanns före inrättandet av Riksrevisionen inget nationellt revisionsorgan som levde upp till internationella idéer angående oberoende kontroll. I reformen av kontrollmakten användes och anpassades idéerna till den svenska kontexten. Denna anpassning resulterade i en unik organisering mellan det nya revisionsorganet och riksdagen. En politiskt tillsatt styrelse fick i uppgift att utgöra länk mellan Riksrevisionen och riksdagen.

Valen 2006 var de första fria valen i den Demokratiska Republiken Congo sedan självständigheten på 1960-talet. Med valen föddes hopp om ett demokratiskt styre och en fred. Vår uppsats är en fallstudie av Congo utifrån kvalitativ textanalys. Vi försöker besvara frågan om valen har haft någon betydelse för en demokratisering, samt om de har haft någon effekt på ett fredsbyggande. Detta gör vi genom att analysera valen utifrån viktiga demokratiska kriterier, och genom teorier om vilken roll demokratisering kan ha i konfliktlösning.

Populism has been an integral part of the Finnish political system since the late 1950's. At that time the Agrarian Populist Party, better known as The Rural Party, emerged and thrived for decades until the party financially broke down in the 1990's. Reemerging on the political scene as the True Finns, the party is more radical and more influential than ever, gaining enough support to be the third largest party of the 2011 parliamentary election. Sweden, Finland?s neighbor, in contrast has a history with very little populist presence or radical right populist parties (RRP-parties).