The Swedish working-class author Ivar Lo-Johansson (1901-1990) wrote a collection of one hundred short stories between the years 1968-1972. His other productions, generally speaking, have partially different social reform purposes, but, according to himself, these short stories were written with the intention to be totally free of tendencies (even though he himself doubted that he succeeded with this).During the same period that these short stories were published, the Swedish social democrats were under the challenge of radical movements that, mainly on the radical left?s ideological foundation, had a relatively strong influence in Sweden, among other countries, from the mid 1960?s to the late 1970?s. Since Lo-Johansson mainly seemed to have supported the politics of the social democrats, the purpose of the investigation in this thesis has been to see if he ? in the three short stories: Vikingakärlek (1970), Rikslögnaren (1971) and Ansgars resa till Sverige (1972) ? is conveying an ideological use of history and basic political values that were used by the social democratic party during this time period.

Den här uppsatsen behandlar den västerländska säkerhetsdiskursen. Syftet är att åskådliggöra den världsordning som skapas inom diskursen. Till grund för analysen ligger två säkerhetsstrategier: USA:s National Security Strategy och EU:s En Europeisk Säkerhetsstrategi.Diskursanalysen är vår metod och teori och det innebär att språket står i centrum för vår analys. Vi vill med uppsatsen lyfta fram hur diskursen konstruerar den sociala verkligheten och vilka konsekvenser det får.Vi koncentrerar oss på två områden som vi menar är centrala inom diskursen: Konstruerandet av sociala identiteter, ?de andra? och ?oss?, samt säkerhet och den ?säkerhetisering? som sker i diskursen.

Denna uppsats har syftet att belysa och analysera processer av ansvarsutkrävande inom svensk förvaltning. Utbildningssektorn är den del av förvaltningen som studeras då skolan är en unik institution i dagens samhälle och en förutsättning för en levande demokrati. Skolan har genomgått reformer som kommit att påverka dess organisering och möjlighet att utkräva ansvar.Ansvarsutkrävandet belyses genom hela ansvarskedjan från nationell nivå till den enskilda skolan. Arbetet har formen av en kvalitativ analys. På kommunal nivå genomförs en fallstudie av Malmö kommun.

This paper discuss the possibilities to transfer the Danish labour market policy, called flexicurity, to Sweden. There are two main purposes of this essay. The first purpose is to discuss the reasons why the Danish labour market policy could be interesting for Sweden. The second purpose is to investigate which obstacles that might occur during the transfer. For guidance I have used two startingpoints which highlights the Danish flexicurity's pros and cons.

This thesis studies the subject on how disabilities are written about in Swedish politics, the programs of the seven parties in the parliament are studied. The thesis is divided into two parts; where the first part is a content analysis to see how often disability are mention in each programme. It differs between one (the Left Party) and 33 times (the Christian Democrates). This first part also works as a backround to the second part of the study. This part of the thesis is built upon a discourse analysis.

Ryssland är en av världens största olje- och gasproducenter. Detta tillsammans med landets bristande demokrati utgör ett hett debattämne i dagens energikonsumerande samhälle. I uppsatsen analyseras den ryska energipolitiken ur ett nationellt såväl som internationellt perspektiv. Den politiska och ekonomiska dimensionen utreds men uppsatsen går också djupare in på olika gruppers identiteter och hur deras intressen styr politikens utformning. Resultatet pekar mot att den syn som det ryska folket och ledarna har på sig själv spelar en stor roll.

Since the 1970s voting behaviour has changed. Party identification and class voting has declined. As the electorate becomes more volatile, campaign strategy and party image becomes essential. Political communication and mass media now play an important role in election campaigns. Therefore, researchers take an interest in the impact of media on public opinion.

The Swedish working-class author Ivar Lo-Johansson (1901-1990) wrote a collection of one hundred short stories between the years 1968-1972. His other productions, generally speaking, have partially different social reform purposes, but, according to himself, these short stories were written with the intention to be totally free of tendencies (even though he himself doubted that he succeeded with this).During the same period that these short stories were published, the Swedish social democrats were under the challenge of radical movements that, mainly on the radical left?s ideological foundation, had a relatively strong influence in Sweden, among other countries, from the mid 1960?s to the late 1970?s. Since Lo-Johansson mainly seemed to have supported the politics of the social democrats, the purpose of the investigation in this thesis has been to see if he ? in the three short stories: Vikingakärlek (1970), Rikslögnaren (1971) and Ansgars resa till Sverige (1972) ? is conveying an ideological use of history and basic political values that were used by the social democratic party during this time period.

The aim of this study is to describe ideas put forward by Sweden Democrats (Swedish: Sverigedemokraterna) about Christianity in Sweden and the Church of Sweden as a Folk Church, a church for a whole people, and how the political party uses Christianity as a part of constructing a Swedish identity. The investigation is based on official documents, newspaper articles, statements and political motions which are analysed using a form of text analysis called idea analysis. The theoretical frame of the investigation is founded on Claire Mitchell?s theory about religious content in ethnic identities and Einar Billing?s and Johan Alfred Eklund?s thoughts about what makes the Church of Sweden a Folk Church.The investigation shows, among other things, that the Sweden Democrats? view of the Church of Sweden is similar to the thoughts of Eklund but they differ in their lack of references to theology. The investigation also shows that Christianity serves as an important marker for the Sweden Democrats in creating a Swedish identity. .

For the last ten years Internet has become more popular and is now used by most Swedes every day.  Internet has made it possible for many people to access a great deal of information about news all day long. Internet has also made it possible for people to create their own news and comment on happenings as they are taking place. One way to do this is to start your own blog, which is a kind of diary where you can publish your own thoughts about politics and news.In Sweden the media is often referred to as the third governmental power since the media is examining the government and people in power positions and bringing the people as consumers of news closer to the government. There is a theory called agenda setting that says that the media is an actor that shapes the political issues discussed by the people and politicians.In this essay I have used the agenda setting theory and linked it together with the Medias references to blogs in their news. This I have done to see if the media might be influenced by blogs.

AbstractThe organization of the health care system in Sweden has been subjected to investigations and discussions in order to make it more effective. The aim is to create a better public health care and to economize on the financial resources. In the year of 2003 an amendment of the Swedish law made it easier for municipalities and county councils to make own solutions and agree about how health service should be organized in the best way. This resulted in a number of test projects. In this paper I will focus on one of these test projects which took place in Borlänge and was based on collaboration between the municipality and the county council in Dalecarlia.

Medborgardeltagande brukar anses vila på en stark moralisk grundplatta och har med den senaste tidens decentraliseringspolitik krävts på större utrymme i den svenska lokala politiken. Men medborgardeltagandet är inte helt oproblematiskt och innehåller en del kända nackdelar. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att utifrån skrivna teorier kring medborgardeltagande illustrera hur en utdragen medborgarkonflikt i Lunds kommun i verkligheten kan plocka fram baksidor av medborgardeltagandet. Resultatet visar att en flera av teorierna är applicerbara på fallstudien, bland annat vad gäller klassiska negativa aspekter som helhets- och jämlikhetsproblematiken. Undersökningen visar också att både medborgarnas och det representativa kommunstyrets agerande gör sig skyldiga till att baksidor av medborgardeltagandet görs synliga.

This essay is a case study that deals with the integration of Scania into Sweden,which started for over 300 years ago. The purpose is to capture why theintegration of Scania succeeded, what were the main reasons or factors and todiscuss the effects the scanian identity and culture had on the integration. This hasbeen done with the help of different theories that will help sort out main factors tothe successful integration. The result of the study revealed a number of factors, tobegin with the scanian identity appeared not to be such a great obstacle for theintegration that one could believe. The identity developed because of the?swedification?, which were the measures the Swedish government took tointegrate the new territory.

The study seeks knowledge about the Swedish euro-scepticism and about the work of the Swedish euro-sceptical Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). How do they work in an environment where the norm is to have a positive attitude towards a future federal state of Europe? How do they regard their own situation and possibilities to make a change?The study includes a debate on today's Swedish euro-scepticism as background. My finding about the MEPs? work is that their way of acting in the European Parliament does not distinguish from other MEPs? in large.

Eleven years after broking the Kyoto-protocol, the European Union still stands in the front line, combating climate change. How come the EU, with 27 diversified states, is able to integrate its members to what is widely considered the most progressive climate policy in the world? This thesis takes a closer look at the negotiations that have shaped EU climate policy. Using negotiation-models to categorize different aspects of EU climatenegotiations, several key-findings are presented. The thesis concludes that while EU entered the Kyoto-protocol with little to lose because of external factors like previous energy-reforms in key member countries, it had plenty to win in global influence and the satisfaction of an overwhelmingly Kyoto-positive public.