År 1999 erkändes romerna i Sverige som en av landets fem nationella minoriteter. Sveriges minoritetspolitik syftar till att ge stöd och skydd till minoriteternas språk, kultur och traditioner, vilket ska ske genom olika instanser i samhället. Den här uppsatsen fokuserar på om Sveriges minoritetspolitik gällande romer är ett fall av handling eller hyckleri. För att undersöka frågeställningen har vi fokuserat på relationen mellan romer och utbildning inom områdena resurser, frekvens och information.Med hjälp av huvudsakligen intervjuer av informantkaraktär har vi analyserat vilket av begreppen handling eller hyckleri som minoritetspolitiken är ett fall av. Vårt resultat är att minoritetspolitiken kan betecknas som ett fall av hyckleri, då romerna inte behandlas som en nationell minoritet på utbildningsområdet..

The thesis of this essay is that the concept of governance is a product of the neo-liberal dominant ideology and that the implementation of governance ideas will lead to a weaker nation-state. Using critical theory the essay constructs an ideal type of neo-liberalism and compares its core values with these of the governance concept as treated by the main literature in the area. The essay then focuses on the issue of the state, and discusses whether the changes leading to a demand for governance have actually weakened the state. Furthermore, the essay presents the practical use of the term governance in the EU and Sweden and problemizes the changes that the neo-liberal domination has led to in terms of power and democracy. Finally the essay discusses alternative views on the changing role of the state.

AbstractTitle: Communicating Ethics ? An Analysis of Ethical Codes in Sweden?s Largest Banks( Att kommunicera etik ? en analys av de svenska storbankernas etiska riktlinjer)Number of pages: 49 (without enclosures)Author: Karolina SvenssonTutor: Peder Hård af SegerstadCourse: Media and Communication Studies DPeriod: Spring 2006University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: The main purpose it to answer the main question how Sweden?s largest banks are communicating ethics externally? This question generates a number of questions with relevance to the purpose and subject of this thesis. The ambition is to answer all of these questions in order to achieve the main purpose.Material/Method: The method used for this study is a qualitative text analysis. Applying this method is also done through using a model presented by Norman Fairclough. This model belongs to the tradition of critical discourse analysis.

A violent conflict emerged in the Indonesian province of Aceh in 1976, with the rebels of the Free Aceh Movement, GAM, on one side, and the Indonesian government on the other. GAM demanded Aceh to become independent, but the Indonesian government did not accept their nationalistic claims. The conflict therefore lasted for almost thirty years, and many civilians were killed during this period. This essay deals with this particular conflict; its causes and its solution. In the centre of the analysis we find theidentity of the Acehnese people, and the way in which this identity has beenconstructed and re-constructed throughout the history.

This essay concerns the notion of how immigration politics, defined as a political discursive structure that explains and justifies how and why the movement of people into a state's territory is restricted and controlled, has come to present its purpose not as solidarity with the 'immigrants' wanting to enter the state but as a protective measure for the state's citizens. By using discourse theory combined with theories from the International Relations field I attempt to explain why and how such a discourse positions 'immigrants' as a threat to the state.First, I concentrate on why an immigration politics discourse would position 'immigrants' as a threat. I argue that in order for people to construct their identity, the 'outside' what they "are not" has to be repressed. In the same way, the state has to dislocate the "outside" and create threats to uphold its supremacy. These boundaries are set to create a feeling of predictability and security, and ultimately they are a way of making peoples' "world" coherent.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Venezuelas möjligheter att bygga en deltagande demokrati genom att jämföra situationen och processen i Venezuela med statsvetenskapliga teorier om deltagande demokrati.Den venezolanska regeringens mål är ett fullständigt avskaffande av valdemokratin och ett införande av en allomfattande deltagande demokrati. För att uppnå detta byggs en deltagardemokratisk struktur upp vid sidan av den traditionella.Det som talar för en utveckling av den deltagande demokratin är de medborgarförsamlingar som byggts upp, och förändringar i landets ekonomiska system. Det främsta hindret är maktdelningen mellan nya och gamla strukturer. Många av de traditionella problemen med deltagande demokrati har övervunnits, mycket eftersom övergången till deltagardemokrati är planerad att vara mer djupgående och fullständig än vad de flesta statsvetenskapliga teorier utgår ifrån.Slutsatsen är att det finns goda möjligheter att utveckla en deltagande demokrati i Venezuela, men att utvecklingen på många sätt är osäker..

The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Swedish media framed the political party, the Swedish Democrats, two weeks prior to the election of parliament in 2014. This essay starts with the historical background of the political party, the Swedish Democrats, and continues with the theoretical framework for the essay. The theoretical framework consists of three theories: framing, media logic and media?s role in the democratic society. The essay?s main problem is presented as the question: What media image was there of the Swedish Democrats before the election of parliament in 2014? The main problem is answered by using a quantitative content analysis on the essay?s empirical material, 68 news articles from four Swedish daily newspapers.

Utvärdering har idag blivit något av ett ledord i offentliga verksamheter, såväl i Sverige som i andra västländer. Resultat och kvalitet skall mätas, bedömas och redovisas i en aldrig tidigare skådad omfattning. I denna uppsats ställer jag mig frågan om vad de ständiga utvärderingarna får för konsekvenser för de offentliga organisationer som utvärderas och gör en genomgång av aktuell forskning på området. Det visar sig att det finns en rad olika teoretiska perspektiv som har anlagts på problemet ifråga men egentligen inte särskilt mycket empirisk forskning. En del forskare har lyft fram positiva effekter i form av ?upplysning? av debattklimatet i vilket beslut har att fattas och lärningsprocesser som sätts igång i de utvärderade organisationerna, medan andra pekat på problematiska bieffekter och utvärderingars legitimerande och meningsskapande funktioner..

[Saknas].

Drawing on a broad theoretical framework that includes theories about globalisation and honourculture, this thesis aim is to demonstrate that globalisation and honourculture, constitute a conceptual network, i.e a structural relational matrix in which concepts are embedded. Being part of conceptual network, these concepts are related to each other ontologically. The idea of conceptual network, and the thesis as a whole, draw upon what has been called ?relational perspective?This study aims to show the impact of globalisation on honourculture. The study shows the importance of narrative in the construction of discursive boundaries.

This study deals with the phenomenon of European integration and its impact on national party programs in Poland, a current member state of the European Union. The author will argue that the question of European integration has left a mark on the political party programs of two mainstream domestic parties on opposite sides of the ideological dimension, in the form of a certain degree of convergence regarding the ?European issue?. Relating the result of the analysis to the theoretical structure of Europeanization and sociological institutional change, the essay will attempt to show a possible link between them. Although this trend does not seem to indicate any dramatic effects of the membership per se in the programs (the national arena seems, in most cases, be of more value for party activities) there is an indirect effect in the form of the presence of Europarties and a pronounced incentive for social and economic adaptation..

The aim of this thesis is to investigate how municipalities handle planning of megaprojects. The term megaproject here refers to a large project in terms of time, space, investments, numbers of agents etc. With an increasing importance of the phenomena the need of discussing the role local politics could take in this process is important.How do municipalities handle the difficulties that come with megaprojects and what roles do they take in their work with megaprojects? These empirical questions are tested on a case where the municipality of Lund works with the megaproject European Spallation Source (ESS). A theoretical question discusses the megaproject in the light of governance and government, and structures the analysis around these two important terms.Different parts of the municipality handle there part of the planning from there own logic.

Our findings show that depending on the contextual setting and what sort of merger an organization goes through, the identity strategies will differ. We see that symbols and values are two objects of relevance in our case companies? identity strategies, but that there are differences in how they are being used. There is consensus around the fact that values are important to have, however their meaning to each organization differs and it has also proven to be dependent on what position you possess in the company. We have developed a four-fielder in order to further illustrate our findings.

In 1513 the Florentine humanists Niccolò Machiavelli composed one of the most famous, but also ambiguously interpret, work in the history of politics, Il Principe. Machiavelli´s book The Prince revealed the true nature of politics in Italy in the beginning of the sixteenth century and gives very straightforward advice on how to act to become a successful and powerful political being. Machiavelli´s creation and insights in the reality of politics have be much discredited and condemned in its lack of moral consideration and violent nature. Still it has been read under the centuries with a fascination and eager to understand the structure of power and how to master it. My purpose with this study is to apply this Machiavellian idea of the capable prince on to the earlier research of the Swedish duke Karl, later on King Karl IX.

The liberal state, it has been argued, must be neutral between different conceptions of the good. Embodying ideals such as fairness and impartiality, state neutrality is intuitively appealing, but working as a restraint for state actions it is somewhat unsatisfactory. People make mistakes about their lives and people live less valuable lives than they could do. To then restrain the state from doing as much good as it can seems just as unappealing as neutrality at first seemed appealing. In this paper, a possible solution to this dilemma is presented.