I vår uppsats ställer vi oss frågan varför Turkiet, trots över 50 år av demokratiska institutioner bryter mot mänskliga rättigheter samt yttrande- och pressfriheter. Vi har använt oss av en modell som identifierar tre kärnområden viktiga för demokratisering: staten, globaliseringen och civilsamhället.Vår slutsats är Turkiet har en politisk kultur som inte gynnar konsolidering. Detta beror på flera olika faktorer. Transitionen från diktatur till valdemokrati innebar att strukturer etablerades som favoriserade eliter. För det andra finns det en omfattande partikularism i statsförvaltningen jämte det demokratiska systemet.

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Region Skåne skapades för tio år sedan med ändamålet att förstärka den regionala demokratin. Den här uppsatsen syftar till att studera hur pass långt Region Skåne kommit i den demokratiska utvecklingen. Utifrån en normativ analys diskuteras de tre demokratiidealen, valdemokrati, deltagardemokrati och samtalsdemokrati, som alla bör ingå för att kunna göra en demokratisk bedömning. De tre demokratiidealen omsätts i mät- och undersökningsmetoder för att i uppsatsens empiriska del kunna studera Region Skånes demokrati. Utifrån de fastställda mät och undersökningsmetoderna dras slutsatsen att Region Skåne inte till fullo uppnår något av demokratiidealen, och att organisationen fortfarande innehar flera demokratiska brister som bör förbättras, detta trots att demokratin inom regionen utvecklas och att regionen sedan dess skapande fört med sig flera demokratiska fördelar..

AbstractThis essay analyse, from a normative perspective, what can be exspected of an etical asylum policy. The theorical base is derived from Gerard Delanty´s notion of civil cosmopolitism.The ethical outlook is based on utilitarianism. The questions this essay answers are:1) Which are the basic premises for an ethical asylum policy?2) Does the Swedish asylum policy forfill these premises?The study analyses in general terms the Swedish asylum policy. It analyses both the asylum law and the work of the executive authority.The analyse also includes a brief look at two asylum cases.

AbstractInom forskningen kring personliga hemsidor på Internet har fokus främst riktats mot identitetskonstruktion, hur jaget presenteras och de psykologiska och sociologiska orsakerna som ligger bakom. Min studie tar ett steg ifrån detta och integrerar studiet av den personliga hemsidan med studiet av den politiska hemsidan. Jag undersöker relationen mellan det personliga och det politiska på svenska privata feministiska hemsidor. Jag har intervjuat fyra skapare och analyserat sju hemsidor. Sammantaget utgör min studie en empirisk neddykning i de svenska privata feministiska hemsidor som finns tillgängliga på Internet anno höst 2003 och vår 2004.

In Jaunuary 1995 Sweden became part of the European Union. Consequently Sweden agreed upon beeing part of a greater integration project with influences of federalism. However, many argue that the discourse that has been been dominant in Sweden is the discourse where we focus on the national state instead of the EU. In my essay I question whether the discourse about ?nationalstatslogiken? is found in the daily press in Sweden.

Den här uppsatsen berör hur utomeuropeiska invandrare upplever att deras etableringsaktiviteter skapar hinder och möjligheter för inträde på arbetsmarknaden, samt hur detta har berört deras identitetsskapande i det svenska samhället. I uppsatsen har jag använt mig av intervjuer och inspirerats av metoden grundad teori för att få fram och analysera empirin. Intervjuerna har utförts personligen, och mina frågeställningar i uppsatsen har varit: Vad innebär etableringsaktiviteterna för informanterna, Hur upplever de att etableringsaktiviteterna har främjat respektive motverkat deras möjlighet att få arbete och Hur upplever informanterna att detta har berört deras identitetsskapande?.

Sanningskommissioner inrättas för att dokumentera brott mot mänskliga rättigheter. På senare år har dessa blivit allt mer förekommande. Därför har detta fenomen väckt vår nyfikenhet. Vårt syfte med studien har varit att undersöka hur sanningskommissioner kan vara ett medel för ett land att gå vidare efter en konflikt samt vad som påverkar deras följder. Vår undersökning har en teoriutvecklande ambition där vi har utfört jämförande fallstudier av sanningskommissionerna i Argentina, Sydafrika och El Salvador.

The local politicians in Sweden are responsible for a great deal of the welfare system why one would assume that there are a lot of demands put on them - demands for certain skills or a certain level of competence. I have in this study tried to find out how the demands on the local representatives concerning the demands for competence and the actual level of competence among the politicians are affecting the local politics. This was done through investigating how the local politicians are perceiving their level of competence and the demands put on them, but also how the employees are perceiving the demands and the level of competence put on the politicians. The study was made in the municipality of Gislaved in Southern Sweden. I was using both quantitative method (an opinion poll among the politicians and employees in the municipality) and qualitative method (interviews with three politicians and three employees and literature studies).In order to investigate the demands for competence I split the concept into ?soft? competence (socially and emotionally based skills), and ?hard? competence (skills based on knowledge, education and experience).

Tanzania is today one of the greatest aid recipients in the world, but still - after over 45 years of huge amounts of aid - one of the poorest and least developed countries. How can that be? Civil society is said to benefit the democratization process, but has not succeed in Tanzania. Has the extensive aid had any impact? Our purpose is to investigate this set of problems.We are using theories concerning civil society and aid in general, and the theoretical framework developed by Hadenius and Uggla ?Making Civil Society Work, Promoting Democratic Development: What Can States and Donors Do??, in particular.

AbstractThe purpose of this thesis is to analyse the basis of Russian diplomacy, and by doing that develop the analytical instruments available, in order to improve the comprehension between the parties in negotiations. Descriptions of the national characteristics of Soviet and Russian diplomacy are made by an analysis of memoairs and other examinations of their negotiating behaviour. To ensure the result of the characteristics two case studies of the non-nuclear proliferation negotiations are made, followed by a comparation between the Soviet and Russian diplomacy. From these results, I analyse the groundworks of russian diplomacy, using three theories about how ideology, national identity and prevailing self-image can affect the national negotiating behaviour. The results show that there have been changes in only some parts of the negotiating behaviour and that there is a need for all three theories to explain different parts of the complex system of Russian diplomacy which is based on the plurality of culture, ideology, language, ideology and history..

The aim of this political scientist paper is to describe and analyze the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan 1992-2006 using the theory of Kolstö about how and why quasi states develops and the theory of Pegg regarding how the international society deal with quasi states. A qualitative case method is used. In the study the two theories are combined. Iraqi Kurdistan is used as a case to study to confirm Kolstö?s and Pegg?s theories.

?How does the Turkish debate appear concerning the EU-discourse in relation to political conditionality? Is Turkey accepting the demands that are being made?? These questions are answered in this thesis through a qualitative document analysis of the debate concerning EU as it is in Turkish newspapers and statements made by Turkish political representatives. The debate is used to describe the association?s process in a candidate country through investigating how the process and the relationship between EU and Turkey are discussed within the country. The national debate is then used to compare with the accession process for the Central and Eastern European countries based on conditionality to discover if Turkey is different from other candidate countries and if so explain why.

This thesis deals with co-operation between municipalities viewed from the perspectiveof the small municipality. It poses two questions: How and why doessmall municipalities co-operate? and Which is the place of the small municipalityin a larger organization?. To examine this three Scanian municipalities have beenstudied and one Norwegian municipality is used to provide a perspective on theSwedish discussion.Four theoretical topics guide the thesis. Firstly the core values of municipalities;democracy, autonomy and efficiency.

This study attempts a literature based reconstruction of the impact of globalisation and modernisation on the gender identities in Vietnam. Recognising the explanatory albeit normative capacity of critical theory ? specifically the feminist and globalisation critical approach ? this thesis argues that in spite of the economic benefits of modernisation, it enhances existing unequal structures. By focusing on women in the labour sector, simultaneously Vietnam's comparative advantage and one of its economically marginalised groups, a contradictory movement can be discovered. Notwithstanding the economic development, a regression in terms of women's possibilities to self-empowerment seems to cancel the benefits for the individual.