Fenomenet med kvinnliga självmordsbombare är en relativt ny företeelse. De senaste åren har det dock visat sig bli allt vanligare i till exempel Ryssland och mellanöstern. Media utformar rapporteringen kring kvinnliga respektive manliga självmordsbombare olika. Diskursen är låst till uppfattningen om att mannen är norm och att det finns olika anledningar till varför kvinnor jämfört med män väljer att använda sina liv som vapen. Till exempel framhålls ofta en kvinnliga självmordsbombares skäl till handlingen som personliga.

Uppsatsen beskiver den europeisering av den svenska säkerhetspolitiska diskursen som har skett sedan det svenska inträdet i den europeiska unionen. Genom att utgå från konstruktiv teori förklarar arbetet hur normer inom det europeiska utrikes- och säkerhetssamarbetet (CFSP) förs över till den svenska säkerhetspolitiska diskursen. I arbetet framhålls att den svenska säkerhetspolitiken, efter det kalla krigets slut och Sveriges medlemskap i EU, i allt större utsträckning börjat korrelera med den europeiska säkerhetspolitiska diskursen. Korrelation framträder framförallt när den svenska neutralitetspolitiken studeras, en politik som omvärderats sedan inträdet i EU. Uppsatsen belyser också hur både den svenska och den europeiska säkerhetspolitiska diskursen har förändrats över tid..

In the process of globalization, identity has become one of the central factors.An understanding of the difference that makes up our society has made thequestion of weather is it possible to envision a society where difference is thecommon ground, one that has been up for contest. To answer this we need to seeif this kind of democracy is possible at all. For this I?m turning to the socialmovments who while they are working close to the reality also can give us somereal answers. Therefore I have looked at how social movements adress identity,difference and conflict and concluded that three things are crucial in organizing ongrounds of difference.

This essay compares the public debate in Sweden 1992 caused by the reforms introduced by the then government giving parents a free choice of schools for their children with the current debate in France about proposals for a similar law there. The study concentrates on the positions taken by the teachers trade unions, in Sweden Lärarförbundet and Lärarnas Riksförbund (LR) and in France SGEN-CFDT. To do so it is necessary also to study the arguments given for and against the proposals by the Political parties.Some of the differences between the debates can be attributed to different circumstances. The Swedish reform was related to the opening up of possibilities to run private schools, which previously had been rare in Sweden. The French debate has no such connections.

This essay is about the planning of Stockholm's border regions (areas on the outskirts of the city) during the first seven years of the 21st century. It describes how planning decisions are made in reality, in respect to a 'green' perspective. By describing what a "markanvisning" is (the right to negotiate with the city about a certain piece of land) and by discussing examples of what has happened with a hundred applications for markanvisning, this essay shows how Stockholm's border regions are planned. In the majority of cases it is the initiative of the future developers that begin the planning and construction processes. Research shows that the application to get a markanvisning in Stockholm does not follow a clear, structured system. However, the existing system in Stockholm does work and it seems like almost all the employees within the municipality, the politicians, and the future proprietors are happy with the current situation. Interviews have been held with key individuals involved in the planning process.

What every theory of democracy has in common is a reference to ?a people? who are, in one way or another, collectively self-governing. Given that, surprisingly little attention has been paid to the so called boundary problem of democratic theory, or, in other words, the question of who should be included in the democratic community. Lately, the historically given boundaries have been questioned in favour of a cosmopolitan democracy. Still, little has been said about the boundary problem in general, especially from a theoretical point of view.

Since 2003 Saudi Arabia is under attack from domestic Al Qaida-cells which, by random shootings of westerners and bombings of compounds and official state buildings, is trying to challenge the stability of the royal regime. According to Al Qaida, the Royal family is attacked because of their friendly relations to the US and for not implementing Islam in the Saudi society as profound as they ought to. Political analyst finds it obvious that the Islamic Al Qaida-cells by terrorism is trying to erode the stability in the kingdom.An important foundation for stability for any government is legitimacy. The aim of this thesis is to examine the royal legitimacy strategy in the state bureaucracy of Saudi Arabia. The question at issue is: how has the royal family constructed the civil, military and religious bureaucracies to maintain and promote stability and legitimacy?The thesis focuses on the on three different units within these three bureaucracies and it surveys the way they are staffed and organized to strengthen and maintain legitimacy for the royal family.

Uppsatsen granskar det avtal mellan Indien och USA som ingicks under 2006.Utifrån det rationella aktörsperspektivet har vi undersökt hur man kan förklara debeslut USA och Indien tog då de ingick avtal med varandra. Vi har använt oss avfyra grundbultar som utgångspunkt: målsättning, alternativ, valmöjligheter ochkonsekvenser. Med dessa fyra bultar har vi försökt förstå vilka för- och nackdelarIndien respektive USA haft när de ingick avtalet och hur de kan ha resonerat införundertecknandet av avtalet. Vi har också försökt se vilka konsekvenser avtalet kanha fått för icke-spridningsavtalet NPT och för andra länder i världen.Vi kom fram till att både Indien och USA agerat rationellt utifrån sinanationella intressen och att detta samarbete trots flera risker är betydande för bådaländerna och värt de uppoffringar som man gjort..

This essay analyzes three Swedish cartoon artists: Elias Ericson, Lisa Ewald and AmandaCasanellas. The aim is to examine how they construct feminist strategies through their workand how they convey this visually. The issue of whether these Swedish cartoons can be seenas a part of a bigger political platform is central. Through semiotics and post-colonial andqueer feminist theory, some answers to these questions are searched for.The result shows that all three of the artists can be seen in a bigger activist context, even ifthey work in and through different platforms. Casanellas questions the racism in Swedenand how we should prevent it.

Utbildning har som regel inte fått hög prioritet av staten i Nicaragua. Det har bland annat medfört att analfabetism är utbrett samt att barn arbetar på gatan istället för att gå i skola. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vad det civila samhället gör för att förbättra utbildningssituationen i Nicaragua. Det civila samhället i Nicaragua arbetar med en rad olika projekt där utbildning är ett av dem. Vi har med hjälp av teorier om demokratisering och det civila samhället kopplat samman vikten av utbildning för att ett land skall gå mot att bli en konsoliderad demokrati.

Den 1 januari 1994, samma dag som den Mexikanska staten blev medlem i frihandelsavtalet NAFTA, kunde man höra ett ?¡Ya Basta!? runt om i delstaten Chiapas i sydöstra Mexiko. Denna uppsats behandlar den Zapatistiska motståndsrörelsen utifrån gramsciansk och neogramsciansk teoribildning för att förklara deras kamp som en reaktion på den rådande neoliberalistiska ekonomiska globaliseringen. Genom att studera deras ideologi och handlingar så menar vi att de utgör en del av ett kontrahegemoniskt motstånd beläget inom den nya globala anti-globaliseringsrörelsen som i sin tur utgör en del av det globala civila samhället. Zapatisternas struktur och metod har, som ett resultat av den ekonomiska globaliseringen, omvandlats och anpassat sig för att kunna föra sin kamp och visa på att alternativ till neoliberalismen existerar..

The aim of my study is to critically analyse the discourse behind two different integration projects in Sweden, by using post colonial theory. My hypothesis is that many projects intended for increased integration includes a view of immigrants as the ?Others? which can be seen in how one talks about integration and culture in the discourse behind integration projects.The first of these two projects aims at increased diversity in the cultural sphere, organized on at state level. The purpose of the second project is to increase the communication and results for schools in areas with a high rate of immigrants in Malmö. In my study I make a discourse analysis of the discourse behind these two projects and study how they are motivated and how one conceptualise culture and integration in these documents.

Purpose: Corporations today see a greater responsibility towards society regarding the environmental impact of their actions, using available transportation options that are more eco-friendly can reduce this impact significantly. Martinsen and Björklund (2012) identifies a set of gaps between supply and demand of green logistics services. This paper aims to address what it is that affects the demand for these alternative solutions and what could be done to increase the usage of them, thereby decreasing this gap.Design/methodology/approach: A quantitative study with six Logistics Service Providers (LSP) and 24 companies that purchase transportation services, all operating in Sweden. Data is collected through semi-structured telephone interviews with people responsible for the purchasing of transports as well as key account managers within the service providing companies.Findings: Just as the LSP?s interviewed in this paper thought, the main focus of the transport buying companies are the costs.

This thesis is about how nationalism is constructed from two competing groups, Kosovo Albanian and Serbs. Kosovo for Serbs is a deep symbolic value that continues to be a Serbian identification. This is one of the main reasons why no Serbian politician has the courage to give it up. On the other side of the coin we have the Kosovo Albanians that only settles for independence. To recognize the independence for Kosovo could jeopardize the security for the Serbian minority living in Kosovo.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att påvisa de likheter som finns mellan det kommunistiska KPML(r)/RKU och det nazistiska NSF i deras kritik mot den representativa demokratin. Uppsatsen bygger på en komparativ ideologianalys. materialet består av artiklar, rapporter och partiprogram som publicerats på Internet. I teoriavsnittet stödjer jag mig på Dahls och Lipsets problematiseringar av fenomenet demokrati- extremism och relationen mellan olika typer av extremism. Undersökningen visar att de nutida "vänster"- och "högerextremisterna" har mer gemensamt än vad som kan anas.