Integration av invandrare i det svenska samhället är ett aktuellt och angeläget ämne. En bristande social integration är ett resultat av en mängd olika faktorer på olika nivåer och kan leda till kriminalitet. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att identifiera några av dessa faktorer och påvisa den speciella situation som uppstår för invandrarpojkar då dessa faktorer sammanfaller. Vår frågeställning är: Vilka sociala faktorer gör att pojkar med invandrarbakgrund hamnar i kriminalitet och missbruk? Tillvägagångssättet har varit att med en kvaltitativ metod där tre nyckelinformanter, samtliga med mångårig erfarenhet från vård av kriminella invandrarpojkar, och fyra invandrare med ett kriminellt förflutet deltog.

This essay is an evaluation of the act of establishment (2010:197). The act is about different operators' responsibility and accountability for new arrivals to get a more effective integration into society and to speed up the new arrivals' establishment on the labor market. The purpose of this act is to get more new arrivals involved in the Swedish labor market directly. By doing so, it gives these people a possibility to become self-sufficient. This study has focus in four different operators; Employment service, Immigration service and two local politicians from Social democrats (Socialdemokraterna) and Conservatives (Moderaterna).

In this essay, the aim is to study the role the politicians play in relation to the people they represent. This is manly a theoretically study, which focus is on the theories behind the way we choose to identify the role of politicians. We ascribe different underlying values to the role of politicians and as a result from these different values a conflict can arise. Two central terms in my discussion are the way the politicians represent people's values and meanings combined to the possibilities for the people to hold the politicians responsible. Depending on which ethic values you put to the role, you have different views about how the politicians should act.

Abstract:The purpose of this study is to examine what actually makes Russia an incomplete democracy, despite of all the formal democratic institutions and legal democratic rights.The research method used for this essay has been qualitative case study, which strives to answer two research questions: Which democratic principles are not respected in Russia? How does the executive power control the political arena? The theoretical framework used for this study consists of a model based on Dahls Polyarchy theory and the Rule of Law concept. The conclusions points out that very little have formally changed in Russia regarding democratic rights and the constitution. The democratic decline is due to political manoeuvres and undue political influence. There is no proper division of power and the executive powers are not controlled by a system of checks and balances.

This thesis focuses on how sewdish politicians try to argue to get other EU-countries to accept a larger responsibility for refugees. Since the war in Iraq broke out in 2003 there have been a great increse in the number of refugees arriving to Europe. Sweden have accepted a very large part of these refugees. This have sparked a debate in Sweden aboute how reasonable it is that sweden accepts a proportionaly much larger number of refugees than other countries within the EU. The swedish gouvernment policy is that responisbility for refugees and migration is something that should be shared by all members of the union.

 Avregleringen av Sveriges järnväg ledde till att Statens Järnvägar delades upp i olika företag, SJ AB bildades som har i uppgift att bedriva lönsam persontrafik. Avregleringen har haft en stor påverkan på hur SJ bedriver sin verksamhet idag samt lett till att komplicerade ägarförhållanden har uppstått i Hagalund. Hagalund är SJ?s största depåanläggning för underhåll av fordon.I samråd med SJ?s Division Fordon och Divisionen för Planering och Trafikledning har vi fått i uppdrag att undersöka hur SJ påverkas om de införskaffar en depå i egen regi. Vi har valt att undersöka SJ ur ett värdekedjeperspektiv.

Människor tenderar att minnas utförda uppgifter och återkalla dem bättre än när de enbart kodar samma uppgifter muntligt, även känd som enactment effekt. Syftet med den här studien var att undersöka om enactment effecten ökar under en ny inkodning som aldrig tidigare utförts inom paradigmet ? Subject-Experimenter-Performed-Task. Sammanlagt medverkade 56 personer i studien, 32 killar och 24 tjejer i åldrarna 10-18. En grupp lågstadiebarn och en grupp gymnasieungdomar testades i VT, EPT, SPT och SEPT betingningar.

Syftet med förevarande uppsats är kort och koncist att pröva huruvida vi kan hitta spår av realistiska teoribildningar i de yttranden och argumentationslinjer som förekom inom lyckta dörrar i Vita huset vid tidpunkten för Kubakrisen 1962. Mer specifikt ämnar vi att försöka hitta spår av de teoribildningar som brukar benämnas defensiv och offensiv realism..

Around the world governments reach out to their emigrant population, embracingthem as part of the nation, expecting their economic contribution. The aim of thisthesis is to examine the political strategy and governmental activities of ElSalvador with the purpose to include emigrants in the nation building project. Themain question is what consequences this has for the significance of citizenship.This case study is based on the theoretical framework of external citizenshipwhich is a new fenomena emanating from states growing interest of theirexpanding diaspora. It divides external citizenship in two parts; a legal dimensionand a practiced identity.I find that as the economic potential of salvadoreans abroad increase, theSalvadorean government makes institutional changes to tie emigrants to thenationstate. This results in the possibility for salvadoreans to remain citizens intheir country of origin, practicing their salvadorean identity at the same time asthey naturalize abroad.

The purpose of this paper is to compare the content and political message in the election posters of the political parties Sverigedemokraterna and Feministiskt Initiativ. This is achieved through a qualitative content analysis combined with text and rhetorical analysis as well as semiotics. Out of all the election posters from Sverigedemokraterna and Feministiskt Initiativ with national spread, eight were analyzed. The conclusions of this analysis are that both political parties prefer posters with high text content with the main purpose of gathering votes, and that persons were used as motives with the objective to present the party representatives and strengthen their perceived ethos..

In recent years, the right-wing extremist site Avpixlat (?Unveiled?) and the anti-racist blog Inte rasist, men... (?Not a racist, but??, IRM) have established themselves as political actors and platforms for political discussion in Sweden. However, we know very little about them and their impact on democracy.

Detta är ett resultat av ett forskningsarbete jag genomförde under hösten 2013. Jag undersökte Stockholms sociala streetdancekultur och tolkade denna utifrån ritteori. Jag granskade dess definitioner, ursprung och sociala knytpunkter för att vidare undersöka hur den upplevs av de som tar del av och bygger upp den. Materialet samlade jag in genom personliga intervjuer med människor som på olika sätt är med och skapar detta sociala närverk och som alla kunde berätta om dess olika beståndsdelar, aktiviteter och betydelsen av dessa. Att tolka detta utifrån en förståelse om att de aktiviteter som ingår i streetdancekulturen kan liknas vid rituella handlingar gav förståelse för hur verkningsfulla aktiviteterna är gällande social integration.

This thesis examines the reasons behind the Swedish migration policy reform which led to a replacement of the Aliens Appeal Board by the Migration Court. This introduced a two-party procedure, oral hearings and enhanced transparency. It was designed to guarantee the rule of law and to thwart political arbitrariness.The transfer of power from representative institutions to judiciaries is referred to as judicialization, and the Migration Courts may be considered a typical example of this phenomenon. However, this can be questioned. The straggling nature of the term implies everything and anything unless cautiously defined.

The aim of this study is to get a better understanding of the Iranian regime. My theory is that the Iranian regime is a semi-dictatorship, based on the soul fact that semi-competetive elections take place. The main question this thesis tries to answer is what characterizes the political construction of the Iranian regime and by what means does it implement its political goals. In trying to answer this question the case of Iran is applied to four specific typologies being, semi-dictatorship, military rule, single party rule and personal rule. The aim has not been to categorically analyze if the Iranian regime matches one typology or the other perfectly, as this is seldom the case when it comes to typologies.After analysis of the four typologies, the conclusion is that the Iranian regime utilizes semi-competitive elections to give a guise of democracy, as is in line with a semi-dictatorship.

Lack of political interest and will to deal with human rights violations carried out under the civil- military dictatorship, has characterized the transition and post-transition in Uruguay. The systematic use of torture, arbitrary imprisonments and forced disappearances in the relatively small country created a culture of fear that has been present through out the post-transition phase. Human rights groups have been central actors in the fight for truth and justice and against impunity. This study analyzes how these groups multiple democracy-building functions have contributed to democratic development. It also analyses how the democracy-building functions have been constrained by the political context.