Den här uppsatsen analyserar och jämför två fall av externt administrerade statsbyggande missioner. Den utgår från Barry Buzans statskomponenter för att jämföra och söka förklara varför de internationella administrationerna i Kosovo och Bosnien-Hercegovina misslyckats med att bygga en stabil, representativ och enad stat. Analysen utgörs av tre huvudsakliga statskomponenter, dessa innefattar den statsbärande idén, statens institutioner samt statens fysiska bas (befolkningen och territoriet).Slutsatsen är att man misslyckats med att skapa legitimitet för institutionerna eftersom institutionerna, vars bas är tänkt att bygga på en enande statsbärande idé, speglar samhället i stort som har differentierade åsikter om vad staten bör vara till för och försvårar byggandet av en gemensam, stabil stat.Vi föreslår att den idealiserade visionen om en multietnisk stat, både i Kosovo och Bosnien-Hercegovina ersätts eller möjligen successivt övergår till en vision om integration och multinationalitet som omfamnar gruppernas skillnader och undviker att påtvinga de opraktisk neutralitet..

The starting point of this study is theories of European integration, which are used to formulate different scenarios about the future of the European Union. This is made in regards to the eurocrisis which has intensified the discussion about how to change the construction of the euro to overcome the economic difficulties that has arisen. In this study, four different scenarios are presented: "An updated Europe", "A new Europe", "The death of the euro" and "Goodbye Greece". The first two scenarios takes its starting point in the neofunctionalist theory of European integration and describes how the EU might increase its level of integration in different ways. We can either see a development where the EU tries to improve the implementation of the rules that are meant to coordinate the member states? economic policy, or we might encounter a more advanced integration where fiscal policy competences are transferred to the EU-level.The latter scenarios, however, takes another theory in to account, liberal intergovernmentalism, and describes how the eurozone might be fragmented in different ways due to conflicts of interest between lenders and countries that has to receive loan-packages.

School can be an effective environment for achieving a more equal health among children and adolescents, since many individuals can be reached by the health promoting work in the school. In the year of 2000 a project in Skåne was started for the development of health promoting schools. The health promoting projects however, have shown to be of short duration. So, as an alternative, the integration of the health in school ought to be tried. The aim of this study is to give examples how health promoting schools can strengthen their profile.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka, förstå och reflektera kring de faktorer som kan ha bidragit till sex individers, som vid ankomsten räknades som ensamkommande flyktingbarn, integrering in i det svenska samhället. För att kunna besvara våra frågeställningar har vi valt att använda oss av kvalitativ metod då den dels möjliggör en djupare förståelse för oss men även då vi vill få fram deras subjektiva upplevelser av deras integration. Vi grundade vår analys på fem vetenskapliga artiklar samt teorier och begrepp så som; Angel & Hjerns (2004) Flyktingkrismodell, Beckmans (2011) Integrationsteori, Kamalis (2006) ?Vi? och ?Dom? teori, Goffmans (2006) Stigmateori och Berger & Luckmanns (2008) Socialisationsteori. Resultatet visade att respondenterna upplevde att språk var en viktig faktor i integreringen och att värdfamiljen haft en stor betydelse för dem.

When it comes to investigating the motives behind activism, the members of political study have a lot to say. I aimed to critiqually rewiev this in my thesis. I asked the question ?What do the actor themselves claim lay behin their decision to become motivated?? To highlight this complex dilemma, I sought to discuss new social movement theory by comparing it to reality. This includes a literate examination on contemporary political science approaches, and a study of two organisations in the south of Sweden, choosen not to despise any excisting theory, but to give it a sense of reality.

The goal of this essay is to analyse how women belonging to a right wing political discourse talk about feminism and equality. This analysis will be used to determine if right wing feminism exists. The analysis is based on Laclau and Mouffe´s  discourse theory as the primary base. The focus is articulation, antagonism and hegmony; the central terms of Laclau and Moffe´s theroy. The material consists of five interviews with representatives of women wings of liberal political in Sweaden; Liberala kvinnor, Centerkvinnor and Moderatkvinnor.The study shows that there are different opinions regarding feminism in the liberal political discouse, and that those opinions have an antagonistic relationship.

For the last decades, Sweden has transformed from a state with strong elements of corporatism, to a governance of pluralistic character. This development has opened up to a new form of participation ? lobbyism ? which since has spread and commercialized. Because of this, a report on the state of Swedish democracy ? Demokratiutredningen ? was issued to examine the phenomenon of lobbyism as it was feared to challenge the functioning of a representative democracy.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine and analyze why, in the case of Afghanistan, the government chose to establish a highly centralized political system, when from a democratic standpoint a less centralized system would be preferable.The time period that is examined span from 2001 when the so-called Bonn-Accord was signed, to the parliamentary elections held in 2005, a period often referred to as the Bonn-process.The theoretical framework examines both the complex relations between federalism and democracy, as well as the relation between federalism and the role of existent ethnic minorities. The theoretical framework is then used in order to explain why it would be problematic to create a federal system in Afghanistan under the present circumstances.The conclusions that can be drawn are the following: In case of the republic Afghanistan the creation and implementation of a highly centralized political system was the only possible way for the government to be able to cope and practically deal with the problems of existent ethnic antagonism and regional warlords in order to create a stable political situation in the country..

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the discourse on political exclusion in the official report Demokratiutredningen. It has been my ambition to relate the analysis of the report to a critical academic discourse on political exclusion and thereby make visible hidden norms and structures which functions to exclude certain individuals and groups from political participation.My paper point out that the report establishes a strong link between democracy and participation and that it, therefore, makes a strong case for a process of democratic inclusion. Though, in my study I suggest that that there is an unawareness of the importance of norms, hegemonic conceptions and structures and that inclusion, therefore, is unlikely to take place. Furthermore, I criticize the focus on deliberative democracy in the report. With insights offered by Mouffe in her argumentation on the necessity to acknowledge the dimension of antagonism present in all societies I underline that the focus on this democratic model is problematic.My conclusion is that the analysis presented in the report is insufficient if we want to create a democratic system characterized by equality..

Syftet är att ta reda på hur organisationer i civilsamhället ser på och arbetar med integration. För att ta reda på detta har jag genomfört 15 intervjuer med representanter för organisationer som arbetar med integration i Göteborg. Dessa intervjuer har sedan legat till grund för en analys utifrån idealtyper, vilka jag konstruerat med utgångspunkt från teori och tidigare forskning. Den tidigare forskningen säger att integrationsbegreppet och integrationspolitiken är otydligt och att flera olika tolkningar kan göras och görs av begreppet. Tre olika förhållningssätt urskiljs.

Utifrån nyckelbegreppen interkulturalitet och internationalitet har vi skrivit en uppsats om huruvida en lyckad integration kan vara möjlig att uppnå via dessa begrepp. Syftet är att undersöka hur lärare hanterar den segregation vi har i vårt samhälle, i sin undervisning. Vi har tittat närmare på om och hur de verkar för integration samt hur de hanterar eventuella konflikter i skolvardagen, konflikter som kan vara relaterade till rädsla och fördomar för det okända. För att kunna besvara vårt syfte, har vi utgått från en teoretisk grund. Denna vilar på en litteraturstudie kring språksociologiska teorier, teorier kring läroplanen samt teorier kring dagens mångkulturella samhälle.

It is the aim of this paper to examine, and analyze at a discursive level, the Swedish Democrats' interpretation of the term 'human rights', as this is presented in the material available on the party's official website. The goal is then to investigate in what manner the party portrays its political ambitions in relation to 'human rights'. The theoretical foundation for this analysis is discourse theory as it is presented in the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.Furthermore, the aim is also to examine whether the Swedish Democrats? interpretation of 'human rights' is compatible with the established understanding of the term, such as this is presented in the international UN treaties on human rights. This will be done by thoroughly examining and comparing certain aspects of the Swedish Democrats' political ambitions, such as they have been portrayed in the analytical section of the paper, with relevant sections of the UN treaties..

Uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka om ett aktivt deltagande i en religiös gemenskap kan påverka integrationsprocessen, d v s nyinflyttade utländska personers möjligheter att känna sig delaktiga i en för dem helt ny form av kultur och samhälle. Jag har avgränsat mig till att fokusera på de nyanlända flyktingarnas uppfattning om detta. Vad tror de själva om den religiösa gemenskapens betydelse för integration? Att göra en studie som mer direkt visar på om deltagande i religiös gemenskap har betydelse för integration anser jag kräver betydligt mer omfattande undersökningar under en längre period, med t ex jämförelser av hur de nyanlända flyktingarna efter en viss tid uppnått ett för dem positivt deltagande i det svenska samhället ställt i relation till deltagande/icke deltagande i en religiös gemenskap.Syftet med uppsatsen är att söka kunskap om nyanlända utländska medborgare i Sverige upplever att ett deltagande i en religiös gemenskap har betydelse för deras möjligheter till deltagande i den nya samhällskontext man kommit till, d v s om ett aktivt deltagande i religiös gemenskap påverkar integrationen. Förutom den psykologiska dimensionen - anser man den religiösa gemenskapen ha en praktisk funktion i en ny samhällskontext? Detta har lett till följande frågeställningar;· Vilka förutsättningar och möjligheter har målgruppen att praktisera sin religiösa tro?· Hur uppfattar målgruppen den religiösa gemenskapens funktion? Uppfattar man den som en inre angelägenhet, som en yttre angelägenhet eller både och?.

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale.