Compared to all existing ethnic groups in Sweden, the integration of Somali women has failed the most within the aspect of employment. This bachelor?s thesis investigates the obstacles in the integration of Somali women by focusing on one case, a project named ?Kvinnokraft?, partly financed by the European Socialfund.By interviewing eight key actors, opinions about obstacles in the project have been identified. A theoretical framework that incorporates integration, project research, multi-level governance and intersectionality contributes to explaining difficulties in integrating Somali women.The empirical findings show that there are individual, social and institutional holdbacks. Stereotypical perceptions were common amongst officials, which contributes to a creation of an inferior position in the structures of the society for Somali women.

Inlandskommunerna är de kommuner som tar emot flest flyktingar per invånare. Mycket har forskats på temat integration men få studier har undersökt integration på mindre orter. Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka om kvotflyktingar över 18 år som bor i en liten kommun anser sig vara eller ha möjlighet att bli integrerade i den kommunen samt vad de anser att inegration är. Studien baserades på sex kvalitativa intervjuer med kvotflyktingar boende på två orter i en norrländsk inlandskommun. Teorier som använts i studien är KASAM samt teorier om integration.Resultatet visar att de som bodde i centralorten överlag var nöjda och kände sig integrerade medan de som bodde på den mindre orten tyckte att den var för liten och inte erbjöd tillräckliga integrationsmöjligheter.

Integration policies have failed to make diversity into anything more than occupying the same physical space. People of different cultural background still do not share their lives to any real extent. Attempts made within planning and landscape architecture to catalyst the integration process have mainly been focused on structural measures, such as residential policies. As for outdoor environments, non-verbal casual encounters in the shape of crossing paths are assumed to lie at the heart of urban social integration.The aim of the thesis is to question this assumption and, as the thesis will show, there is literature supporting this aim. Looking at the works of Gordon Allport, Lewis Coser and some of their followers, I find intercultural contact to require more complex ways of interaction in order to reduce prejudice and to generate tolerance and understanding.

The purpose of this study is to describe the motivations of women to participate in politics and to examine whether women feel that they are held back by something in their political participation. The questions of this study are:How do women motivate their participation in different fields in politics?Are there any obstacles that are holding women back in their political participation? Interviews have been used as the method to gather the empirical data. When applying the theoretical framework on the empirical material the main conclusion is that women tend to participate more frequently in political activities that are less time consuming and more sporadic in comparison to more traditional forms of political participation. Women are also more inclined to participate in political activities on a lower level that makes up part of their everyday life, one example of this is women?s increasing participating in political consumerism. Keywords: Politiskt deltagande, kvinnor, motivation, politik, politisk jämlikhet, politiska sfärer.

This study is case study of political participation among the Kani tribe from Kuttichal grama panchayat in the Thiruvananthapuram district in Kerala, India. The study is based on the collected data of 117 people of the Kani tribe living in four different settlements: Pankavu, Mangode-Valippara, Chonampara and Kaithode. The aim of the study is to examine the impact on political participation by different factors, which is done by the use of the quantitative method of cross tables. The study confirms previous studies in its conclusion that high status individuals, defined in terms of education and economic standard, are the group of the highest political participation, when this is defined as being involved in political work and holding a party membership. On the local political scene however, where political participation consists of participation in local assemblies and voluntary work, the impact of the examined variables are very limited.

This paper investigates whether there is a right not to suffer from poverty. The investigation is being conducted from the theoretical standpoint/view that only civil and political rights constitute justiciable rights and rights proper from a moral stance, whereas economic and social rights constitute mere political agendas or less.In the search of an answer to this question the content of economic and social rights, and thereafter civil and political rights will be outlined, followed by an inquiry of what should really be considered as rights. Finally, the arguments against economic and social rights as real rights is presented and scrutinized.This paper will conclude that the stated difference between the above-mentioned sets of rights is illusory and that the right not to suffer from poverty ought to have the same status as civil and political rights..

Since the end of the Cold War, foreign aid donors have been using political conditionality to promote human rights, democracy and good governance in recipient countries. This phenomenon has been analyzed and criticized, but mainly from a strictly empirical point of view. In this paper, the legitimacy of political conditionality is analyzed through a normative perspective based on the extrinsic value of efficiency. If the political conditions don?t result in a democratic development, including respect of human rights and good governance, they can not be justified.With at theoretical focus on the donors, based on the unequal relationship between donor and recipient, I am examining the donors? possibility and supposed will to use political conditions in development cooperation.

This thesis uses statistical methods to investigate if political appointees working for the Swedish government are good representatives for the members of the ruling party. This is a relevant question since the number of political appointees and the political fields in which they are employed have increased. Some say that this is a sign of presidentialism, which in this context means that the prime minister and his cabinet are becoming more independent from parliament and supporting party. The research is done by comparing the political appointees with an select elite of party members regards to socioeconomic background, which interest that are promoted in society and ideology. The consequences of differences on these characteristics between political appointees and the party elite could be that some interest in society are wrongly overrepresented while others are wrongly underrepresented by the unelected political appointees.

The aim of this paper is to study and outline the factors governing political leadership at the party leader level, and to conclude to what extent a party leader rules and to what extent the party leadership is contextually determined. The theories used are based on Elgie's interactionistic study of political leadership and Stewart's organisational model of leadership as well as political culture.Thus, the questions raised are if the leader leads or if the leader follows; if the leadership environment is formed by the leader or if it is, merely, implemented on the leader; and what a model of the political leadership consist of? To answer these questions a text analysis comparing Sahlin?s speeches to the party?s political programme is used as well as in-depth interviews with members of the Board of Party.The conclusion shows that the leadership is contextually framed, but the leader is free to implement his or her ambitions within that frame as long as it is coherent to the party line..

Integration är ett komplext begrepp som kan ses utifrån flera perspektiv och synvinklar. Dramapedagogik emellertid utgår från olika typer av värdeord baserade i en gemensam värdegrund. Centrala begrepp i detta är demokrati, acceptens och alla människors lika värde. Syftet med uppsatsen är att kartlägga, systematisera och problematisera forskning om hur drama kan användas, eller har använts i integrationssyfte. Hur ser dialogen ut inom forskningsfältet drama och integration? Vad säger det om dramapedagogikens betydelse i integrationsprocesser? Kan man urskilja några teman och i så fall vilka?Som metod används en litteraturstudie med en kvalitativ ansats som vilar på utvalda begrepp som ingår i en integrationsprocess.Resultatet visar fyra olika kategorier där drama används som metod i integrationsprocesser.

Syfte med denna studie är att fördjupa förståelsen hur personer med utländsk härkomst, som kommer till Sverige i vuxen ålder upplever sin situation kopplat till integration i det nya landet. En annan aspekt som berörs är svenska integrationspolitiken och dess koppling till immigranternas tankar. Den metod som används är kvalitativ. I den insamlade materialet ingår tio intervjuer, vardera fem av varje kön. Dessa individer har varit bosatta i Sverige mellan tio och femton år.

This essay revolves around two questions: what is the nature of politics, and what kind of political order ensures a high rate of citizen participation? By using Cantal Mouffes theory on the political this essay shows how different understandings of the nature of politics can lead to diverging views on what forms democracy should take. Two such understandings are identified; one that sees the nature of politics as characterized by conflict and power, one that sees it as a space for cooperation in search for the common good. I trace these different ideas about the political in the parliamentary debate concerning Swedish constitutional reform. I conclude that the left-of-centre parties hold a view of the political closer to the conflict-perspective, while the green party together with the liberals/conservatives lean closer to the opposite view..

C-essay in political science by Dennis Callejas Gidlund, ht-14. Supervisor: FreddyKjellström.?Great minds think alike. An comparativa study of the Social Democrats and theModerates parties programme 1990-2013.?The purpose with the essay is to examine if the Social Democrats and the Moderates havegotten closer within labor market policies, education policies and also within the view ofmigration and integration.

The purpose of this essay is to illustrate immigrants? and refugees? thoughts and experiences of the process of integrating into Swedish society and to examine which social networks foster the process. The main questions in the study are: * What experiences enable refugees and immigrants to become integrated and fully participating members of the Swedish society?* What is the importance of the social networks with regards to integration into Swedish society? A qualitative method was used and five interviews were completed with SFI (Swedish for immigrants) students. The study shows that knowledge of Swedish language promotes an initiative in contacting native Swedes, and it also determines the success of integration.

Eriksson, T. & Lindberg, L. (2014). En textanalys av sex handlingsplaner för integration. C-uppsats i Pedagogik, Hälsopedagogiska programmet.