This thesis deals with the issues of participation and influence in the multicultural society. The aim with the study is twofold, first to identify determinants improving participation and influence in this context, and second to see if the ecouragement of a strong civil society in ethnic segregated areas is a possible way forward to a multicultural democracy. This is conducted through a case study of brobyggarna in Malmo, Sweden, and how they as an integration policy is working with these questions. Six qualitative interviews have been conducted with seven persons workning as brobyggare or in close connection with them. Toghether with readings of earlier research this material is analysed through an eclectic model with theories put together in five analythic dimensions, Multicultural democracy, Social milieu, Unequal possibillities to participate and influence and Local powerstructures.

AbstractIn 1998 the United Nations held a diplomatic conference on the establishment of an International Criminal Court in Rome. In the end of the conference the negotiating states adopted the Rome Statute by which an international criminal court was established. The court, which entered into force on 1 July 2002, has jurisdiction over the crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The court also has jurisdiction over the crimes of aggression but the court will only be able to exercise its jurisdiction of this crime category when the member states of the court have found a definition of the crime.In the draft statute, which was prepared before the conference, acts of terrorism were a proposed crime. With the starting-point in the Rome conference this essay studies how the working-definition of crimes of terrorism was elaborated in the draft statute and how the state delegations viewed the crime.

The concept of national security has been a matter for debate during recent years, especially in academic fields. Criticism has surfaced since the end of the cold war, directed towards the traditional perspective's dogmatic focus on armed threats and interstate war. Questions concerning an oncoming paradigm shift have been raised, regarding a widening of the security agenda among national states to also include alternative threats, such as environmental hazards. In this thesis, the focus lies on the effects that climate changes have caused in the Swedish national security agenda during the last 15 years. Swedish policy documents show that there have been some major changes, not only the widening of the security agenda but the entire security domain seems to have changed.

Denna uppsats är en kritisk diskursanalys av Sverigedemokraterna, ett uttalatnationalistiskt och invandringskritiskt parti. Syftet med vår studie är att granskaSverigedemokraternas nationalistiska budskap utifrån ett feministiskt perspektiv.Fokus ligger på ett samspel mellan genus, sexualitet och nation. Studiens materialbestår av politiska program och artiklar från partitidningen Sd-kuriren. Understeget in på den politiska arenan, har Sverigedemokraterna kommit att använda enallt mer ?rumsren? retorik.

Denna fallstudie behandlar USA:s negativa ställningstagande till Kyoto-protokollet. Syftet är att utreda och analysera vilka olika faktorer som kan tänkas ha legat till grund för den ändrade inställning som landet intog efter att George W. Bush hade tillträtt som president 2001. Både systemfaktorer och inrikespolitiska faktorer tas i beaktande och hela studien tar George W. Bushs person som utgångspunkt.

This thesis consists of three parts: one normative, one empirical and one constructive, with the intention to explore the enforcement of accountability in megaprojects.The thesis aims to evaluate the level of accountability in the policy process of the European Spallation Source, ESS between 1990 and 2008. In order to make a comparison possible, a norm is created concerning how a policy process should be designed, with primary focus on openness and participation, to make enforcement of accountability possible. The policy process of the ESS is compared with this norm with the purpose of discovering whether the process contains elements that assure enforcement of accountability. After the comparison is done, it is possible to formulate constructive proposals about how the enforcement of accountability can be improved.The thesis also explores how networks, consisting of actors with particular resources, surrounding the ESS-project affects the form of the policy process, e.g. in shaping the social construction of the aim and purpose of the project.

Medborgarsammanslutningar har funnits i Sverige sedan 1800-talet och delas upp i folkrörelser, som är av mer ideell karaktär, och intresseorganisationer som sätter de egna medlemmarnas bästa i första rummet. Medborgerligt deltagande i det politiska systemet motiveras med att demokratin ökar då medborgarna tillåts uttrycka sina åsikter. Det svenska systemet har länge präglats av en hög grad av korporatism där medborgarsammanslutningar i hög grad har inkorporerats inom kommunalt och statligt beslutsfattande. Idag talas det dock allt oftare om att det svenska systemet håller på att förändras, att det pågår en avkorporatisering. Enligt många forskare håller det svenska samhället på att ersättas av en växande pluralism där medborgarsammanslutningarnas starka band till staten löses upp.

To create fair conditions between the majority and minorities in a cultural diverse society poses a challenge for both the makers of government policy and the political theorist. The aim of this thesis is to examine the Swedish government official reports concerning integration and minority rights, with a special interest in values and cultural rights. As a methodological tool a theoretical model that classifies cultural rights is developed and the three normative doctrines lockean libertarianism, comprehensive liberalism and multiculturalism are distinguished from the discussion about how politics ought to be in a multicultural society. Through this perspective rights and values in the official reports are identified and analyzed. The result shows three different standpoints in the reports concerning which cultural minority group they are discussing.

This thesis is a comparative analysis of language policy in the Post-Soviet states Ukraine and Kazakhstan, wherein the states are seen as rational actors using language as an instrument in the nation-building process. With a take-off point in an underframe of theories on the nation, national identity, instrumentalism, power and the particular role of language in the nation-building process, this thesis shows that language is a key instrument used by the two states.The Ukrainian and Kazakhian language policies create and put across a certain image of the nation, by emphasising the titular languages as symbols of the new states. The line of argument in the language policy is a balance act between large-scale promotion of titular languages and a careful and inclusive attitude towards the Russian language. The biggest differences are that Ukraine, compared to Kazakhstan, has a more comprehensive and consequent language policy with a deeply rooted historic rhetoric. The most obvious instruments of the states in language policy is censuses, corpus-planning and the state choosing one official language..

AbstractUSA:s biståndspolitik har främst använts strategiskt för att främja nationella intressen. Bi-stånd kan vara ett effektivs sätt för en stat att utöva ekonomisk makt över en annan. USA har gett bistånd till Israel sedan början av 50-talet då USA:s stora population av judar har skapat ett närmast inrikespolitiskt intresse i landet.Egypten har efter att fredsföredrag skrevs med Israel 1979 erhållit stora summor i militärt och ekonomiskt bistånd från USA. Det har varit viktigt för USA att se till att Egypten håller freden med Israel samt att ha en av arabstaterna som allierad i Mellanöstern. Egypten har varit det land som, efter Israel, fått mest bistånd från USA.Pakistans geografiska läge har under perioder varit ytterst viktig för USA, framför allt på grund av hotet från Sovjetunionen under Kalla kriget.USA:s strategiska biståndspolitik förklarar vi utifrån realistisk teori inom internationell politik..

Social policy has now received an increased attention in the European Union. The European welfare states experience a high level of unemployment, which the EU now tries to handle through the European Employment Strategy (EES). The core of this essay is whether the welfare institutions of the European member states are integrating through an institutionalization process or not. Within the EU four different types of welfare models can be identified: the Scandinavian, the Continental, the Southern and the Anglo-Saxon. The welfare models differ in the institutional settings e.g.

At the EU summit in Cologne in 1999, a consensus was reached concerning the common foreign and security policy within the European Union. It was decided at the summit that the WEU (Western European Union) should be incorporated into the EU - whom would then be given military capability to act autonomously without the necessity of Nato involvement. This essay investigates the factors that made this agreement possible from a rational choice perspective, but also from the perspective of the power and influence on negotiations on behalf of various types of leadership present at the meeting. Many nations at the summit of Cologne where for the creation of a military force in the form of ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy) within the Union, and many where against such a decision. However a consensus was reached and that is what this essay shall try to explain.

The purpose of this essay was to analyze the collapse of democracy in the Weimar Republic. This was done by analyzing some of the most turbulent crises in its history like the communists attempt to take power in 1919, the kapp-putsch of 1920, hyperinflation 1923 and the economic depression 1929-1933. The method that I used in this essay is called methodological individualism. It was an analytical framework which helped to understand the citizens view on democracy and legitimacy. The theoretical framework was based on Juan J.Linz and Seymour Martin Lipsets ideas on legitimacy and efficacy.

The following thesis is examining compliance with EU-law from a member state perspective. The variation in the compliance level between the member states from 1995 to 2005 is analyzed to prove the fact that the Nordic member countries during the measured time period experienced a low number of infringements. The infringements that did occur were resolved faster and more efficient in the Nordic countries then in the other member states. The theory used to explain the Nordic compliance rate is divided between external and internal pressure in a pull and push model. The external pressure is illustrated with argumentative persuasion from the EU-commission to the individual member states; how the state responds to the persuasion in order to act compliant.

I Sverige ser vi idag en arbetsmarknad som är långt ifrån jämställd, detta kan man se exempel på inom svenska företags- och organisationsledningar samt styrelser där kvinnor är starkt underrepresenterade. Den rådande strukturen bidrar till att kvinnor i stor utsträckning exkluderas från de högsta befattningarna och har svårt att överkomma de hinder som möter dem under karriären. Dessa hinder brukar benämnas glastak då de syftar till det osynliga tak som försvårar kvinnors tillträde till de högsta positionerna. Vi vill i denna uppsats belysa vikten av ett aktivt engagemang och arbete med jämställdhet för att hjälpa kvinnor att avancera inom den egna organisationen. Genom fallstudier av två organisationer som använt sig av jämställdhetsprojekt i sitt arbete för en jämställd arbetsplats vill vi analysera hur de främjar att kvinnor på lika villkor som män skall kunna nå toppositionerna.