Den teoretiska utgångspunkten för denna teoriutvecklande studie ligger iGaltungs resonemang om det utökade våldsbegreppet och det strukturella våldet.Vi utvecklar här en egen metod för mätning av strukturellt våld som vi sedan applicerar på alla stater för vilka det finns tillgänglig statistik. Det strukturella våldet i vår empiriska undersökning utgörs av en politisk, en ekonomisk och en kulturell del. Syftet med studien är att undersöka om det föreligger någonkoppling mellan strukturellt våld och intern väpnad konflikt och om det i så fall går att förutspå utbrott av inbördeskrig. Särskild vikt läggs vid de fall som i vår undersökning avviker från vår förförståelse om sociala orättvisor och inbördeskrig. Dessa fall leder oss fram till en slutsats om hur metoden kan vidareutvecklas för att bättre förklara samband mellan strukturellt våld och utbrott av inbördeskrig..

Citizenship and immigration policy are controversial aspects of the European integration project. Fourteen years ago Roger Brubaker stated that the vital differences between German and French citizenship policy were unthinkable to harmonise. This paper therefore seeks to investigate whether the old image of the two countries are accurate. By evaluating citizenship and immigration policies in today's context with the increasing influence of European Union policy I here present a more correct picture of the situation in both countries. Partly to see how the harmonisation has come this far.

"Race" is often used as a marker to exclude people from a society. What is interesting is not so much what terms that are used to describe people, but by what meaning they are associated with. For this thesis articles published in daily magazines have been the material used. An argument driven in the essay is that identity and oppression is not constituted from one subject position, but from several, such as class, sexuality and gender. The first question posed is how "race" is constituted through discourses throughout the subject positions class, sexuality and gender.

This essay is about the mobilization that have arisen due to the mining activities being planned in Norra Kärr, just outside of Gränna in the northern part of the county of Jönköping, Sweden. This study is based on the association Aktion Rädda Vättern and members of the associatons? individual thoughts and experiences of their possibility to success. Interviews were carried out with members of the association. The theoretical basis lies within the theory of political opportunity structure and the defintion of the same by Sidney Tarrow.

The increasing importance of human rights within the international community over the past fifteen years has raised the issue of humanitarian intervention. This concept is a complex one, and in the debate surrounding this issue can be heard arguments from and within legal, political and ethical standpoints. There is not yet a unified definition or agreement as to the nature of humanitarian intervention but it is clear that it is an important issue internationally and it is therefore interesting to see how this has affected the debate within individual countries. This study will thus examine the international development surrounding humanitarian intervention in relation to the official position taken by the Swedish government. The developments and discussion surrounding humanitarian intervention internationally and two central difficulties within this concept, legality vs.

German regional policy has changed from a strategy of redistribution to a regional growth focused policy- strategies, which are often seen as opposites. Both policies, however, still have to relate to the constitutional objective ?to achieve equal living conditions for the country?s citizens.?This paper examines what effects a political change may have had on the interpretation of the German constitutional objective. Its aim is to examine German regional policy and its relationship to justice, using John Rawls? A Theory of Justice.

This essay constitutes a qualitative case study about democratization theory and the middle class in Russia. This is a very important case to study, especially because of the geographic position of the country as well as the economic importance Russia has as a part of the G8. In the essay the author seeks to answer the question whether the lack of a significant middle class in Russia can be a part of the explanation to the absence of a well functioning democracy in the country. Several democratization theories are presented. The most important being Ruth Berins Collier's theories about ins and outs plus the elite- or working class as the initiator of democratization processes.

Monroedoktrinen skapades 1823 av den amerikanske presidenten James Monroe. Sedan dess har doktrinen utgjort en betydande del av den amerikanska utrikespolitiken gentemot Latinamerika. Medvetet eller omedvetet har doktrinen blivit en integrerad del i den amerikanska säkerhets- & utrikespolitiken. Genom Monroedoktrinen och dess korollarier har USA haft en förevändning att intervenera närhelst de ansett att intressena, som ska tillvaratas i doktrinen, har utmanats. Vi har i denna uppsats valt att analysera tre fall av amerikansk intervention i Latinamerika med målet att finna en gemensam drivkraft bakom amerikansk utrikespolitik i Latinamerika.

The purpose of this project was to find an understanding for why public agents working with introduction of immigrants have decided to co-operate and co-ordinate their efforts. Another purpose was to gain insights in what characterizes this co-operation.Seven interviews were made with practitioners working with these questions on national-, regional- and local levels. The material gathered in this process was then analysed using governance theory and more specific the parts dealing with Joined- up government and Whole- of Government. Two analytic tools were used in the analysis: wicked problems and network.The first of these, wicked problems, was made operational by the use of insecurities. Analysing the interviews along these lines proved very useful in explaining why public agents have decided to try to work together.

My thesis brings up the subject of power. In the 33 local authorities we have in Skåne, I have made a quantitative study, to see how many young people that are included in the power of politics, through local authorities parliament. This is the first of the two parts that I have devided my thesis into. The second part is qualitative and examines four young politicians, and their thoughts on holding a position that is so unusual to hold at their age. This is the basis for my analysis where I bring up age as a form of discrimination.

This thesis compares political participation by the public through the Swedish Parliamentary Ombudsman (PO) and the German Petitions Committee of the Bundestag (PC). Through studies of literature and statistics I examine how citizens can participate through the institutions, how frequently they do and the likelihood of sparking a debate while participating.Using media theories as well as theories of participatory and representative democracy I study how citizens can use these institutions for purposes of control and proposition.Both institutions deal with complaints but the PC also deals with propositions for legislation, making the institution more versatile. The PO deals with more cases than the PC and has more far-reaching competences and areas of inspection, although neither institution has binding decisions. Thus the direct advantage for citizens using the institutions is the chance of reaching out to media and the public through freedom of information laws and the German online petition forum.The PC to a larger extent fits the representative model while the PO in some respects is more a legal than a political institution, being managed by lawyers instead of MPs. Neither institution meets the ideals of participatory politics although the German official petition is closer to it..

The aim of this thesis is to develop two idealtypes of politics to help serve as instruments in understanding and analysing the view on politics held by top civil servants in the municipality of Lund Sweden. The two ideal types developed here are symbolic sense making politics and rational instrumental politics. These two ideal types were applied to material from a qualitative survey to help bring out clear results and to help with the interpretation of the material The results of the study showed that the two idealtypes could not help to clearly categorize the civil servants views on management by objectives. But while categorizing the top civil servants views the important features of policy documents the ideal types were helpful. By using the ideal types I came to the conclusion that the view on policy documents was mainly characterized by sense making politics.

Bachelor essay in political science by Marie Åberg, autumn 2011. ?Harm or benefit? A critical view of the theoretical grounds of the international development aid?. Supervisor: Professor Mats Lindberg. The first of the dual purpose of this essay is to present international aid policy ideas and the theoretical grounds of international development aid.

I denna uppsats analyseras de faktorer som ligger bakom beslutet att låta Turkiet inleda inträdesförhandlingar med EU. Dessa faktorer analyseras utifrån Allisons tre modeller: Rational Actor Model, Organizational Behavior och Governmental Politics. Modellerna beskriver olika komponenter som låg till grund för beslutstagandet.I vår analys belyses först de statliga aktörerna och deras motiv för att ge Turkiet kandidatstatus och ett datum för eventuella förhandlingar, enligt Rational Actor Model. Därefter belyses de organisatoriska strukturerna bakom EU och dess inverkan på det faktiska inledandet av förhandlingarna enligt Organizational Behavior. Slutligen nämns kortfattat Governmental Politics, som behandlar nyckelpersoner och förhandlingskonstellationer, eftersom modellen ej kunnat genomföras i sin helhet.Uppsatsen har som uppgift att tillämpa de olika modellernas styrka i den specifika fallstudien och utgör en ny syn inom europeisk integration..

AbstractI denna uppsats analyserar vi två riksdagsdebatter som båda uppstått då yrkande inkom till regeringen om ändringar i Yttrandefrihetsgrundlagen (YGL) samt ändringar i tryckfrihetsförordningen (TF). På tidigt nittiotal uppdagades det i Sverige ett antal pedofilhärvor. Detta resulterade i en omfattande offentlig debatt som vidare bidrog till att yttrandefrihetsbrottet barnpornografi, helt och hållet lyftes ut ur YGL samt TF. På sent nittiotal förekom ännu en debatt som även denna behandlade yttrandefrihetsgrundlagarna. Denna gång handlade det om brottet hets mot folkgrupp, och det eventuella tillägget, sexuell läggning.