This essay concerns the notion of how immigration politics, defined as a political discursive structure that explains and justifies how and why the movement of people into a state's territory is restricted and controlled, has come to present its purpose not as solidarity with the 'immigrants' wanting to enter the state but as a protective measure for the state's citizens. By using discourse theory combined with theories from the International Relations field I attempt to explain why and how such a discourse positions 'immigrants' as a threat to the state.First, I concentrate on why an immigration politics discourse would position 'immigrants' as a threat. I argue that in order for people to construct their identity, the 'outside' what they "are not" has to be repressed. In the same way, the state has to dislocate the "outside" and create threats to uphold its supremacy. These boundaries are set to create a feeling of predictability and security, and ultimately they are a way of making peoples' "world" coherent.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Venezuelas möjligheter att bygga en deltagande demokrati genom att jämföra situationen och processen i Venezuela med statsvetenskapliga teorier om deltagande demokrati.Den venezolanska regeringens mål är ett fullständigt avskaffande av valdemokratin och ett införande av en allomfattande deltagande demokrati. För att uppnå detta byggs en deltagardemokratisk struktur upp vid sidan av den traditionella.Det som talar för en utveckling av den deltagande demokratin är de medborgarförsamlingar som byggts upp, och förändringar i landets ekonomiska system. Det främsta hindret är maktdelningen mellan nya och gamla strukturer. Många av de traditionella problemen med deltagande demokrati har övervunnits, mycket eftersom övergången till deltagardemokrati är planerad att vara mer djupgående och fullständig än vad de flesta statsvetenskapliga teorier utgår ifrån.Slutsatsen är att det finns goda möjligheter att utveckla en deltagande demokrati i Venezuela, men att utvecklingen på många sätt är osäker..

The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Swedish media framed the political party, the Swedish Democrats, two weeks prior to the election of parliament in 2014. This essay starts with the historical background of the political party, the Swedish Democrats, and continues with the theoretical framework for the essay. The theoretical framework consists of three theories: framing, media logic and media?s role in the democratic society. The essay?s main problem is presented as the question: What media image was there of the Swedish Democrats before the election of parliament in 2014? The main problem is answered by using a quantitative content analysis on the essay?s empirical material, 68 news articles from four Swedish daily newspapers.

Utvärdering har idag blivit något av ett ledord i offentliga verksamheter, såväl i Sverige som i andra västländer. Resultat och kvalitet skall mätas, bedömas och redovisas i en aldrig tidigare skådad omfattning. I denna uppsats ställer jag mig frågan om vad de ständiga utvärderingarna får för konsekvenser för de offentliga organisationer som utvärderas och gör en genomgång av aktuell forskning på området. Det visar sig att det finns en rad olika teoretiska perspektiv som har anlagts på problemet ifråga men egentligen inte särskilt mycket empirisk forskning. En del forskare har lyft fram positiva effekter i form av ?upplysning? av debattklimatet i vilket beslut har att fattas och lärningsprocesser som sätts igång i de utvärderade organisationerna, medan andra pekat på problematiska bieffekter och utvärderingars legitimerande och meningsskapande funktioner..

[Saknas].

Drawing on a broad theoretical framework that includes theories about globalisation and honourculture, this thesis aim is to demonstrate that globalisation and honourculture, constitute a conceptual network, i.e a structural relational matrix in which concepts are embedded. Being part of conceptual network, these concepts are related to each other ontologically. The idea of conceptual network, and the thesis as a whole, draw upon what has been called ?relational perspective?This study aims to show the impact of globalisation on honourculture. The study shows the importance of narrative in the construction of discursive boundaries.

This study deals with the phenomenon of European integration and its impact on national party programs in Poland, a current member state of the European Union. The author will argue that the question of European integration has left a mark on the political party programs of two mainstream domestic parties on opposite sides of the ideological dimension, in the form of a certain degree of convergence regarding the ?European issue?. Relating the result of the analysis to the theoretical structure of Europeanization and sociological institutional change, the essay will attempt to show a possible link between them. Although this trend does not seem to indicate any dramatic effects of the membership per se in the programs (the national arena seems, in most cases, be of more value for party activities) there is an indirect effect in the form of the presence of Europarties and a pronounced incentive for social and economic adaptation..

In 1513 the Florentine humanists Niccolò Machiavelli composed one of the most famous, but also ambiguously interpret, work in the history of politics, Il Principe. Machiavelli´s book The Prince revealed the true nature of politics in Italy in the beginning of the sixteenth century and gives very straightforward advice on how to act to become a successful and powerful political being. Machiavelli´s creation and insights in the reality of politics have be much discredited and condemned in its lack of moral consideration and violent nature. Still it has been read under the centuries with a fascination and eager to understand the structure of power and how to master it. My purpose with this study is to apply this Machiavellian idea of the capable prince on to the earlier research of the Swedish duke Karl, later on King Karl IX.

The liberal state, it has been argued, must be neutral between different conceptions of the good. Embodying ideals such as fairness and impartiality, state neutrality is intuitively appealing, but working as a restraint for state actions it is somewhat unsatisfactory. People make mistakes about their lives and people live less valuable lives than they could do. To then restrain the state from doing as much good as it can seems just as unappealing as neutrality at first seemed appealing. In this paper, a possible solution to this dilemma is presented.

The disciplinary role of madness in the European society was major during the17th century rise of the national state.By studying the view on madness in Swedish governmental investigations duringthe modern years of the Swedish psychiatry, 1950 to today, it's possible to seehow madness function in society have changed. The study is based on a discourseanalysis and done in three important aspects of Michel Foucault's philosophy:terms of existence, control and knowledge.Based on Foucault's theories of self-discipline, exclusion mechanisms and adetailed investigation on the concept of power, the empirical survey shows howthe ?crazy? Swede changes from a disciplinary object of society into a drone toserve under the structures of capitalism. In a psychological condition previousscience has judged as animal..

Det råder brist på transparens och ansvarsutkrävande i många afrikanskaförvaltningar. Dessa demokrativärden är centrala för utveckling och de börinstitutionaliseras. Denna uppsats analyserar hur stigberoende och historiskafaktorer har varit avgörande för denna institutionaliserings framgång. Fyrafaktorers påverkan på transparens och ansvarsutkrävande undersöks. Dessa ärreformer och internationell påverkan, förvaltningens struktur, juridiska system ochinstitutionaliserad tillit.

Uppsatsen utreder vilka faktorer som påverkade konstituerandet av en palestinsk identitet mellan 1870-1920. Med bakgrund av ett teoretiskt ramverk om nationell identitet undersöks fyra teman i uppsatsen som behandlar: i vilken kontext en palestinsk identitet utvecklades under Osmanska riket, hur den arabiska pressens påverkade etablerandet av en nationell identitet och vilken inverkan politiska faktorer och demografiska förändringar hade på processen, däribland vilken roll Storbritanniens utrikespolitik spelade. Det framkommer i uppsatsen att en nationell identitet förstärks när en folkgrupp upplever att den befinner sig i en situation som anses ansträngd. Faktorer som tycks hota gruppens sammansättning blir då vägledande för hur den sociala identiten framställs och framhålls i relation till vilka/vad som uppfattas att vara hotande..

Authors: Martin Mederyd Hårdh, Frida Nygren, Daniel PaulssonTitle: Under Extreme PressureLevel: Bachelor of JournalismLocation: University of GothenburgLanguage: SwedishMethod: Quantitative content analysisPages: 38Politically motivated extremism is a common topic in the Swedish public debate ? and hence in Swedish media. The purpose of our study is to get an idea of how the media relates to the extremist groupings. On a traditional political scale, ranging from left to right, our study focuses on the Swedish extremists who figure on the outskirts of this scale; The ones who denounce the current system and opt for violence to change it.Violence is often an instrument used to get extreme political ideals in the public eye, and is seen as a threat to the Swedish democracy and the public in general. Both sides argue that the Swedish press is tendentious and treat the various extremist groups differently, airing their distrust for the media as a propaganda tool for these groups to establish themselves in the public debate.Our study consists of a quantitative content analysis where we study articles published in print by seven major Swedish newspapers.

Denna uppsats behandlar hur Dagens Nyheter och Hufvudstadsbladet har rapporterat om den planerade gasledningen genom Östersjön och det ryska parlamentsvalet 2007. I uppsatsen används attributionsteorin för att genomföra en kvalitativ textanalys av ledare i de båda tidningarna. De utvalda ledarna har skrivits angående de båda händelserna och är skrivna under perioden 2007-01-01 till 2007-12-14. Uppsatsen använder sig av den metod och teori som Stefan Höjelid använde i sin doktorsavhandling "sovjetbilden i nordisk press". Med hjälp av attributionsteorin kan vi se distinkta olikheter, men även likheter i ledarnas orsaksförklaringar till händelserna.

This study aims to investigate the political reformation of the psychiatric care in Sweden, that took place 1995. The main purpose is to illuminate the transformation of subjectivity for mentally ill people after the reform 1995. The group of people which are present in the study are those who former were subjects of care in psychiatric hospitals, but with regarding to the reform have moved out from the institutions and instead become clients for community care. This new group of mentally ill people became, in connection with the reform, subjects for a new concept psykiskt funktionshinder. This new label and concept, that were attached to the present group, is the main concept for the investigation in the present study. The method, that was used in the study, develops a textual based analysis of the official documents, that were produced in connection with the political decision to reform the care of mentally ill people. With a theoretical conceptuality taken from Michel Foucault, with concepts such as discourse, power, and subjectivity, are the documents analysed in order to illuminate how the new subjectivity, under the concept of psykiskt funktionshinder arise.