Studiens syfte är att studera vilken bild av muslimer som förmedlas i svensk tidningsmedia veckan efter terrorattacken mot World Trade Center i New York den 11 september 2001. Undersökningen tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i postkolonial teori och Saids ?orientalism?-begrepp. Jag har valt att använda mig av en riktad kvalitativ innehållsanalys för att undersöka vad källmaterialet förmedlar och har utifrån innehållet skapat kategorier som ska tydliggöra detta. Slutresultaten visar att den bild som tidningarna förmedlade av muslimer efter terrordådet den 11 september 2001 var präglad av stereotyper om Orienten, där muslimer bland annat beskrivs som känslostyrda, omoderna och religiösa.

Construction of Identity and Charismatic Leaders deals with fundamentalism and Islamism within the United States, emphasising on similarities between fundamentalists and Islamists. The term "fundamentalist" is here referring to Christian extremists, while "Islamist" refers to the Muslim counterpart. The purpose of the essay is to make North American fundamentalism and Islamism comprehendible on a larger scale.In order to show similarities between these groups when it comes to values, structure and commitment to their tasks, it is important to understand the nature of the religious devotion.Analyzing the similarities of the two groups enables construction of general criteria for how anthropology of religious extremists can be outlined..

Abstract Essay in political science, C-level, by Patrik Larsson, autumn semester 2007.Tutor: Susan Marton The battle over the agenda-Can media be regarded as an individual political actor? The purpose of this essay is to study to what extent media can be regarded to function as an individual political actor. In other words, do the media have more power over the political agenda than the politicians and do the media influence how the politicians make their decisions. This research is a case study and to be able to complete the intention of this study I have used Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaws theory, the agenda-setting theory. From this theory I have used four aspects to analyse my material which has consisted of editorials from a Swedish newspaper, interpellations and debates that belong to the interpellations. The aspect I have worked with are, how the problem is defined, who is responsible for the problem, what values and which solutions are expressed.  I have used a qualitative text analysis as my methodological approach which means that the results of my study are my interpretation of the material. My conclusions are that the media in this case shouldn?t be regarded as an individual political actor because there is no tendency that shows that the media has influenced the government in their decisions concerning the real-estate tax.

This thesis examines the possibility of Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? getting their demands of a gender equal society fulfilled in the new state which was initiated in 2005 when Evo Morales became the first president representing the indigenous people of the country. By using a qualitative method I have showed that although the Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? historically has been significant political actors for social change in the country, with representation at both regional and national level, Bolivian women are still subordinated in the social and political sphere. By applying a feminist intersectional perspective which takes its point of departure in a understanding of power as multidimensional, where gender, ethnicity and class are constitutive principals, multiculturalism theories and a social movements theory framework, I have found that even if institutional changes, that opened the system increased the indigenous women?s social movements political participation in Bolivia, power structures based on gender limited their possibilities to influence both socially and politically.

Bakgrund: Islam är den näst största religionen i världen och människor rör på sig mer än någonsin över landsgränser vilket ställer krav på sjuksköterskans kulturkompetens i omvårdnadsarbetet. Diabetes är en folksjukdom som har ökat globalt sett de senaste åren och därför finns det i dagens mångkulturella samhälle ett behov av att undersöka hur olika grupper upplever att det är att leva med diabetes och vilka krav detta ställer på sjuksköterskan i dennes yrkesutövning och i utvecklandet av den kulturella kompetensen. Syfte: Syftet var att undersöka muslimska personers upplevelser av att leva med diabetes. Metod: Litteraturstudien bygger på åtta vetenskapligt granskade artiklar, sex kvalitativa och två kvantitativa. Artiklarna har granskats och analyserats och lett fram till ett resultat presenterat i tre kategorier.

AbstractThe purpose of this theses is to compare three different political groups, The IRA, The Baader-Meinhof group and the Al Qaida, who have all used terroristic methods to achieve their separate goals.By finding out about their history, goals, structures and methods I have made a comparison to see what joins them, what separates them, what originated the birth of their movements and how they can or could proceed with their violent actions to the point that they had actual impact on international politics.It has all been done through a litteraturebased study.My focuse has been on Al Qaida since it's is the only one of the three who is still active today and who, through its cellstructure, represents a new form of global terrorism that may have great influence on the structural patterns of other political groups and criminal organizations in the future.Key words:Al QaidaBaader-MeinhofIRATerrorismCellstructure.

In order to fully grasp the phenomena 'City' we must understand its political structure as an integrated part of its physical structure and vice versa. This thesis focuses on one crucial element of the City, the public space, and discusses it in relation to the public realm, or sphere, of the City. The aim is to see if it is possible to conceive public space as a spatial dimension of power, and if so, how to analyse this. With the help of the theoretical tool of two ideal types of the configuration of public space, "The city as civic public life" and "The city as authoritarian control" an empirical study is carried out on the case of Prishtina, capital of Kosovo.Conclusions made are that function and use of a city's public spaces can be understood in relation to changes in the political climate of the society. Furthermore, a void in the asset of concepts offered by the ideal types is found ? and therefore also need for new concepts to describe and understand a public space undergoing a dynamic transformation, as being a part of a city in political transition..

The main objective of the essay is to define the meaning of the termgovernance network on the basis of democratic values ? both normative andimperial - with the aim to analyse the prospects to develop an effective anddemocratic governance. Democratic values as well as civil participation,enlightenment, responsibility and approachability are discussed, but also moreeffectivness orientated values.It is clear from the presentation how normative and democracy models putdifferent values in focus, with the consequence that other values are played downor pushed aside. Compared to imperial research in partnership ? by definition atype of network arrangement - and with a starting point in democracy andefficiency, the networks are discussed as political formation.In what sense can the actual existing network arrangements meet and fulfil thedefined political values? As no straight forward answer exists, there is an ongoingconflict between the political demand for slowness and the effectiveness demandfor flexibility and mobility..

Uppsatsen är en studie av Islamic Center i Malmö och dess nätverk och syftar till att förstå hur religiösa föreningar påverkar förutsättningarna för ekonomisk integration. Studien är kvalitativ och baseras på intervjuer som huvudkälla, såväl intervjuer med individer på Islamic Center som andra personer som på olika sätt arbetar med och har insyn i organisationen. Den har främst baserats på teori kring socialt kapital och nätverksbyggande som viktiga förutsättningar för ekonomisk integration. De viktigaste slutsatserna med uppsatsen anser vi vara att ideella/idéburna organisationer har något att bidra med till de offentliga institutioner som skall hjälpa folk in i arbetslivet. Samtidigt så måste de ideella/idéburna organisationerna själva vara beredda att anpassa sig till det regelverk som offentliga institutioner lyder under för att kunna få ta del av det arbetet.

Syftet med detta arbete är att få en fördjupad förståelse av elevers syn på skola och utbildning på en privat religiös friskola med inriktning mot islam. Det empiriska materialet bygger på 8 stycken intervjuer med elever från en femteklass på en privat religiös friskola skola med inriktning mot islam. Intervjuerna har sedan analyserats, baserat på ett teoretiskt ramverk för att sedan tolka intervjuerna ur specifika perspektiv teorin om rollteori och skolkultur. I studien framgår det att eleverna upplever att det existerar mobbning i den grad att det upplevs som ett problem på skolan. Vidare framkommer det att eleverna upplever att både lärare och elever har ett otrevligt bemötande mot varandra på skolan.

This thesis explores the decisions behind swedish principals to permit or prohibit political parties from visiting schools. Through a series of semistructured qualitative interviews with five respondents from different high schools, insights were gathered into their motivations regarding political party visits to schools. The results indicate that principals view political party visits as significant for fostering civic engagement, aligned with the school's democratic mission. However, some principals opt to prohibit such visits due to concerns about non democratic values and potential disruptions. Practical considerations like safety, logistical issues, and conflict risks are also crucial in their decision-making, highlighting awareness of potential challenges posed by political visits.

According to the theory of elitist democracy civic political participation should be reduced to participation in the democratic elections. This essay examines whether a high rate of institutionalized political participation beyond the elections leads to: (a) that those who are included gets a more favourable treatment at the expense of the common interest, in other words that their self interest threatens the political equality, (b) reduced freedom of action for the politicians and the headmasters, (c) the emergence of vague conditions of responsibility. These hypotheses are examined in an empirical study of user-boards at four schools on three locations in southern Sweden. In these user-boards the parents are in majority and have the right of decision, which has been delegated to them from the local government and the headmaster. The main conclusion is that, based on this empirical investigation, there is no support in any of the hypotheses.

Abstract.

This thesis is about the effect of political efficacy on societal participation among youths aged 15 to 29. It takes a starting point in the gloomy view of the decline of political participation among citizens in the western world, especially pointing out youths as a threat to democracy. This is a broad subject to take on so my aim becomes a bit more specific. The aim of the thesis is therefore to investigate if belief in ones own capacity and in the responsiveness of the political system affects the actual participation among youths in Europe, independent of a set of alternative predictors. Moreover the thesis is divided into two sub-investigations, one qualitative and one quantitative.

This thesis is set out as a testing of the crosscutting cleavages theory on twocontemporary cases. The aim is to test the explanation process of the crosscutting theory applied to the political and social situations in Belgium and Switzerland and furthermore to examine potential conflicts in pluralistic states. Our main questionis: How can the crosscutting cleavages theory explain the different outcomes ofsocial coexistence, even with the states numerous similarities? We have examined the two federal states through their social divisions of language, region, religion and socio-economy. Our findings show that both Belgium and Switzerland possess divisions in the above mentioned variables, which in most cases are cumulative structured.