With the end of the Cold War the number of conflicts where the United Nations have intervened has increased dramatically. This has entailed a need for a burden-sharing between the UN and regional organizations regarding management of conflicts. The aim of this study is to make a comparative analysis of the effectiveness and the efficiency in the efforts undertaken by ECOWAS and the UN during the civil war in Sierra Leone, through using theories on conflict resolution and the advantages of regional organizations in conflict resolution.My conclusion is that both ECOWAS and the UN were quite successful in managing the conflict and had an impact on the resolution of the war, although both Peace operations suffered from internal problems. ECOWAS was effective in managing the conflict and in its mediating efforts as an insider from the region. The UN was more efficient in managing to attain their goals.

Peace operations are considered to be hard to solve but Sierra Leone is by many thought to be a success despite major problems during the operations. Solving this conflict involved several dif-ferent actors which all contributed to the creating of Peace. The purpose of this essay is to examine whether similarities between the way the conflict in Sierra Leone was solved and the method that Galula presents led to the positive outcome. This will be done by a qualitative textual analysis to demonstrate presence and absence of those parts that Galula claim are crucial to counter an insur-gency. Similarities between the method used at the solving of the conflict in Sierra Leone and Galulas method for counterinsurgency can be found.

Luftstridskrafter har spelat en betydande roll i senare tiders Peace Support Operations (PSO). Obemannade flygande system har varit en del av dessa insatser, hur kommer rollfördelningen att vara i framtiden? Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka och göra en bedömning avseende hur obemannade flygsystem kan utnyttjas och ha en roll i framtida Peace Suport Operations. Litteratur- och dokumentstudier, föreläsningar och intervjuer ligger som faktabakgrund för bedömningen av hur en framtida PSO kan se ut samt vilken roll obemannade flygsystem kan ha i en framtida Peace Suport Operation. Jämförelse har skett mellan bemannade och obemannade flygande system varvid fördelar och nackdelar har belysts.

The aim of the following paper has been to test the democratic Peace theory through applying it on the conflict between Russia and Georgia in 2008.  This to either falsify the theory or come to the conclusion that the states? democracy was not satisfactory in regards to the definition of liberal democracy. The questions asked are: Was Russia and Georgia democratic states? Is democracy a protection from war? And which aspects of the liberal democratic theory, if any, were not satisfactory in either of the countries? The results show that the democratic Peace theory is valid in this case and that neither one of the states were democratic.

This paper aims to analyze if ground based air defence of the Swedish Defence Forces is sufficiently equipped to protect units serving abroad. The Swedish ground based airdefece has its roots in the era of the cold war but the focus of Swedish Defence Forces has shifted from defending Swedish territory to Peace keeping and Peace enforcement in foreign countries. First I will take a look at the base factors for ground based air defence units serving in a Peace keeping or enforcing mission and then use this to define what abilities you would like to have in a ground based air defence system. Finally I will compare these abilities whit the abilities of the ground based air defence systems that are in use whit the Swedish Defence Forces.My conclusion is that the question can´t be answered on a generel level but every mission has to be analyzed individualy.The author of this paper is Cadet Tobias Jönsson studying at the The Armed Forces Technical School to become an officer in the Swedish Defence Forces..

This paper examines the concept of environmental scarcity and the risk of conflict, in particular agriculturalscarcity and the risk of conflict. This paper compares the neighbouring countries Angola and Namibia, andinvestigates why Angola has had a conflict and why Namibia has had Peace. This paper investigates if the conflict inAngola is caused by agricultural scarcity and if this is the explanation for the lasting Peace in Namibia..

One of the more hopeful signs in the Middle East-conflict during the 20th century was president Sadat´s visit to Jerusalem in November 1977. His speech in Knesset arose deep feelings, from open hostility to careful optimism and belief in the future. During nearly one and a half year Egyptian and Israeli delegations negotiated. They came to a Peace-agreement, the Camp David-Accords, under the guidance of the United States. The main-actors during the Peace- negotiations were President Sadat, Prime Minister Begin and President Carter.

Nathan Söderblom, Swedish archbishop 1914 - 1931, understands his role as bishop from an integrated theological conception that episcopacy is a gift to the church and the apostolic succession a heritage of utmost value. Episcopacy is an important tool to make the churches come together. in his work for Peace during the Great War it was through his position without any power that he could approach the politicians. His calling was not only for Sweden; he had a responsibility for the whole world. In the Ecumenical Cope for the 1925 Stockholm meeting Söderblom expressed his views on the importance of the Uppsala see.

This paper is a Master thesis for the Master?s program in International and European Relations in the Department of Management and Economics at Linköping University. As the title indicates, the aim of this thesis is to make a comparative analysis of the conflict resolution initiatives that were employed in the Sierra Leonean and Liberian conflicts. The research questions are: ? What were the root causes and trajectories of the Sierra Leonean and Liberian conflicts? ? What were the conflict resolution initiatives employed in resolving both conflicts? ? Why did the Lome Peace Accord succeed in the case of Sierra Leone whilst the Abuja Peace Accord failed in bringing Peace to Liberia? In order to answer the afore-mentioned questions and fulfil the aim of this paper, a qualitative research method has been chosen.

This essay tries, in different levels, to explain and create a deeper understanding for the phenomena ?private security companies?. By using Mary Kaldors theory about new wars, I will come to the conclusion that the insecurity that these wars create is an important part in understanding the emergence of a security need that these private security companies can provide. Later I investigate and explain howthe neoliberal privatization policy that is spreading through the world today has laid ground for development of the private security industry. When I have answered these questions I analyze how the private security companies can affect the state, war and Peace both positively and negatively.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how Peace journalism was expressed in Swedish newspapers´ reporting on the war in Georgia 2008. We did this by analyzing whether the reporting was elite- or people-orientated depending on how suffering was expressed and how the war players were described.The method we used was Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). It was applied on news articles from four Swedish newspapers that covered three different happenings in the war in Georgia.We found out that the reporting was mainly elite-orientated, both when it comes to how suffering was expressed, as well as how the war players were described. The newspapers tended to focus on only one party?s suffering and one party as evil-doer, which is elite-orientated reporting and also an indication of war journalism rather than Peace journalism..

AbstractTitle: The war in Afghanistan ? a necessary evil? (Kriget i Afghanistan ? ett nödvändigt ont? En kritisk diskursanalys av New York Times ställningstagande till och framing av kriget i Afghanistan)Number of pages: 41 (41 including enclosures)Authors: Jenny Häggmark, Madeleine JanssonTutor: Christian ChristensenCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Fall term 2011University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala UniversityPurpose/aim: Our main goal with this paper is to examine and describe how The New York Times have framed the war in Afghanistan in their editorials, and how their position on the war is reflected in the editorials. We are also interested in finding out if their position on the war has changed during the ten years of war. Are the New York Times editorials characterized by Peace or war journalism?Material/Method: To fulfill our aim with this paper we are going to use a qualitative method of content analyzes, the critical discourse analysis, when we analyze the editorials selected.

Art.39 är grindvakten som inleder kapitel VII i FN-stadgan och tröskeln vid vilken säkerhetsrådet går från att vara ett multilateralt organ till ett globalt verkställande organ. Konceptet ?threat to the Peace? är det bredaste, otydligaste och viktigaste begreppet i art.39 FN-stadgan. Genom att framställa de centrala förutsättningarna för tillämpningen av art. 40-42, öppnar art.

Nathan Söderblom, Swedish archbishop 1914 - 1931, understands his role as bishop from an integrated theological conception that episcopacy is a gift to the church and the apostolic succession a heritage of utmost value. Episcopacy is an important tool to make the churches come together. in his work for Peace during the Great War it was through his position without any power that he could approach the politicians. His calling was not only for Sweden; he had a responsibility for the whole world. In the Ecumenical Cope for the 1925 Stockholm meeting Söderblom expressed his views on the importance of the Uppsala see.

The consociational democracy model in Macedonia, which came out from a warcrisis and a Peace agreement from 2001, in addition, putting an end to the violent conflict, actually admits the division of the society along the ethnic lines. Paradoxically, there is an attempt to bridge the ethnic gap with this model. As a result, the consociational democracy model holds solutions that can be abused if somebody misuses its power and desires to disintegrate the country. The future development depends therefore on the moderate attitude of the citizens, and first and foremost, on the political elites and their commitment to the values of democracy and human rights instead of their nationalistic goals. Furthermore, thepresent democratic consolidation in Macedonia is established on the execution of the Peace agreement and the improved effectiveness of the institutions.