Abstract This qualitative interview study focuses on job coaching by examining what thoughts, views and opinions the involved Parties, such as job applicants and job coaches, have of the contribution. The aim is to highlight the obstacles and opportunities by examining the expectations that exist from both Parties as well as how to look at job coaching and its different areas. In this context, examine the similarities and differences between the two Parties approach to the contribution. This is made possible through four interviews with job applicants as well as four interviews with job coaches. A grounded theory inspired approach was used to obtain the results of the study.

Knowledge is frequently discussed in modern society, and has been since ancient Greece. Our goal is to examine the content of two political documents with the desire to point out their visions about how the Swedish school system should be shaped, in relations to knowledge. More precise this essay is going to concentrate on two specific political Parties, Folkpartiet and Vansterpartiet and their official programs on the subject school and education, to see what they say about knowledge. The choice is made on the basis that these Parties political standings differ most from each other, in the left/right scale in politics. The qualitative analysis takes its main base from Aristotels concepts of knowledge; Episteme, techne and fronesis, and Bernt Gustavssons modern defenitions of them.

This thesis aimed to describe how the ideological dividing line concerning the welfare state has changed between the two largest governmental Parties in Sweden, the Social Democrats and the Moderaterna, during 1990 to 2010. The scientist Mark Blyth points out that ideas are important instruments for structural and institutional change by identifying ideas as weapons, blueprints and cognitive locks, which were being used in the theoretical framework. The empirical data was made by a qualitative analysis of the parliamentary speeches and debates from both Parties held every year. The results shows that the budgetary law passed in 1997 became a new institutional blueprint, which changed the political conditions for the Social Democrats. Furthermore, the results point to a change in the Moderaterna?s rhetoric concerning the welfare state to a more pragmatic view. .

Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-rightAuthor: Charlie WeimersAim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the Parties.Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the Parties? ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool.Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the Parties? ideological views, shows specific party constellations are more probable than others.

Over the last years there has been a considerable change in Swedish municipals. The number of municipals run by a rainbow coalition, a coalition made up of Parties from different political blocks, has increased dramatically. Despite this clear pattern little research has tried to explain this increase. My thesis? aim is to try and clear the water around this subject by answering three questions about this type of coalitions.

The essay?s main focus has been to investigate and analyze the political actions behind the 2015?s grade compromise; an agreement to introduce grades from the fourth year in primary school. Through a game-theory analysis, mainly based in Leif Lewin?s and Jörgen Herman's research on rationality in politics, this study examined the grade debate  during a fifteen year period. The primary task has thereby been to explain the grade compromise through game-theory.

Background: Despite the time and money invested in relationships with other companies, it is a fact that many of them fail. Considering this, remarkably little research has been done regarding how inter-organisational relationships are controlled, given that control can function as a solution to the problems involved with collaboration, which arise since such a relation exists in the interface between organisational boundaries, where the companies? often conflicting interests and points of view meet. If one part is stronger than the other in a relationship, the weaker however tends to give way for the stronger?s will.

This study attempts to answer the question of whether the propaganda of the Swedish political Parties ?Socialdemokraterna?, and/or ?Sverigedemokraterna?, used for the election to the European parliament 2009, are to be viewed as populistic. Furthermore, is the propaganda to viewed as included in the ?Classical populism?, the ?New populism?, both, or none of the above genres? With a theoretical approach deriving from earlier works on the subject Classical/New populism from a number of writers, the study uses empirical and qualitative text analysis to study the Parties propaganda. For each of the two genres of populism an ideal type is set up, which is used to define their core elements.

The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine how family members perceive family support, and to gain a deeper understanding of how the relatives' part is affected by the dementia ill person. The result has been produced by semi-structured interviews with five respondents interviewed individually. The respondents who participated in the study, care for the dementia sufferer husband / wife at home, or the husband / wife has moved to a special housing. The result includes the perception of being a relative of a person with dementia, how they experience support from various Parties, if there are any differences between men and women as well as the importance of communication and attitude. Overall it was shown that relatives often felt a sense of security and that they were satisfied with the support they received from the various Parties.

This study deals with the phenomenon of European integration and its impact on national party programs in Poland, a current member state of the European Union. The author will argue that the question of European integration has left a mark on the political party programs of two mainstream domestic Parties on opposite sides of the ideological dimension, in the form of a certain degree of convergence regarding the ?European issue?. Relating the result of the analysis to the theoretical structure of Europeanization and sociological institutional change, the essay will attempt to show a possible link between them. Although this trend does not seem to indicate any dramatic effects of the membership per se in the programs (the national arena seems, in most cases, be of more value for party activities) there is an indirect effect in the form of the presence of EuroParties and a pronounced incentive for social and economic adaptation..

This thesis explores the decisions behind swedish principals to permit or prohibit political Parties from visiting schools. Through a series of semistructured qualitative interviews with five respondents from different high schools, insights were gathered into their motivations regarding political party visits to schools. The results indicate that principals view political party visits as significant for fostering civic engagement, aligned with the school's democratic mission. However, some principals opt to prohibit such visits due to concerns about non democratic values and potential disruptions. Practical considerations like safety, logistical issues, and conflict risks are also crucial in their decision-making, highlighting awareness of potential challenges posed by political visits.

The purpose of this paper is to compare the content and political message in the election posters of the political Parties Sverigedemokraterna and Feministiskt Initiativ. This is achieved through a qualitative content analysis combined with text and rhetorical analysis as well as semiotics. Out of all the election posters from Sverigedemokraterna and Feministiskt Initiativ with national spread, eight were analyzed. The conclusions of this analysis are that both political Parties prefer posters with high text content with the main purpose of gathering votes, and that persons were used as motives with the objective to present the party representatives and strengthen their perceived ethos..

Aim: To investigate how three of the biggest political Parties in Sweden made use of socialmedia in the election campaign in 2010, and to get a picture of how the Parties perceive therole of social media in political communication today and in the future.Method: The research is conducted through personal interviews and qualitative textualanalysis.Theory: The theory that the study is based on is Habermas theory of the public sphereMain results: Social media is today an excellent channel for communication and informationbetween politicians and voters, and they will probably become increasingly important inpolitical communication in the future. So far, they are only an addition to the traditional mediaand are in no way substituted for them. Internet and some social media is an excellent forumfor political debate and opinion-former..

During the later parts of the 20th century there occurred several changes to the Swedish public sector. These changes aimed to effectivize and decentralize the governance model in the public sector. One of these changes was the municipalization of the school system, put forward and proposed by the social democratic government in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This study aims to examine and compare that times different parliamentary Parties' opinions on the municipalization of the school system. The source material consists of government bills, and in direct relation to the municipalization of the school system.

AbstractIn this study, then collaboration agreement impact of the work on 11 and 19 § § MBL are studied. The employer and collective agreements bearing employee union are often involved in collaborative agreements to facilitate cooperation between them. Issues addressed to collaboration areoften questions related to employee participation. The purpose of this study is to investigate two local employers and related collective bearing employee unionsview of the cooperation agreement related to the MBL. The purpose leads to these questions:?How can co-operation agreements affect 11 and 19 § § MBL??What are theadvantages and disadvantages cooperation agreementscan lead to, regardingemployer disclosure and negotiation duty?To try to sort out these issues are interviews conducted to create a greater understanding of the work of the Cooperation Agreement between organizations and how it affects them.Results of the study suggest that collaboration agreement leads to simplifications in the work of the employer's information and bargaining duty.