International reading comprehension studies, like PIRLS and PISA, state that the reading comprehension of Swedish students has decreased significantly since 2000. As a consequence, the National Agency of Education has made reading comprehension teaching a prioritised field in terms of further education for teachers. There has also been a change in Lgr 11, the national curriculum for compulsory school, where it is stated that teaching in reading strategies shall be a part of the central content throughout compulsory school. When the pupils reach upper secondary school level, reading comprehension education is no longer a part of the curriculum. Today, students at upper secondary school for individuals with learning disabilities currently share the same curriculum as the ordinary upper secondary school.

In focus of this study lie students of an upper secondary school in a multicultural district, where more than 60 % of the students fail to reach the national goals for education. Since this particularly exposed group of students receives little attention during my studies in the Special Educational Teacher Programme, I have felt an ever growing urge to examine this group closer. As a basis for this study stands theories on how children and youths, in particular those of immigrant background, need holistic consistency and continuity in order to be able to build a positive development of identity. The purpose of this study is to explore the possibilities of developing parent cooperation in a multicultural district, through finding out what teachers and parents expect and desire from parent cooperation. I also want to find out how parents and teachers think that a working parent cooperation affects the student.

The Saami, a Nordic indigenous people scattered over four countries, has for centuries been regarded as parts of the national populations of the countries in which they live. During the 19th century saami demands for greater influence resulted en several changes, among them the founding of a Swedish Saami Council in 1993. The council became a popularly elected, representative institution with an agenda of its own, but also a public authority answerable to the government. The decision to attribute the council this twofold role was unusual and, from a certain point of view, even controversial: it makes it difficult to determine the location of the power to act in saami-related issues and the legitimacy to do so.This essay is about how the twofold role came into existence, what it leads to and how the seemingly contradictive duality is managed. It has an institutional approach with theories concerning institutions and etnicity as well as institutional change and handling of complicated and ambiguous demands.

This thesis is a study of social movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

The goal of this paper is to analyze the influence of the EU on Turkish democracy. In order to achieve this aim, the paper concentrates on three areas, as representative institutions, opposition parties and freedom of expression. The impact of the EU on Turkey has been more explicit during the last decades. In particular since 1999 when the country became a candidate for membership, and that will eventually lead to Turkey joining the European Union. Thereby this paper will examine the demands EU set up for the country and how Turkey accomplishes these criteria.

The aim of the current study was to examine the radical right-wing sympathizers in Sweden. To fulfill this aim, a quantitative case study on Sweden Democrats sympathizers was conducted. More specifically, this study has examined socio-economic backgrounds and political attitudes of the Sweden Democrat sympathizers. The results show that sympathizers of Sweden Democrats are higher among younger people and men. The results also show a higher support for Sweden Democrats among people with lower education and low income that also live in small towns and in the countryside.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the approach of the EU towards the reform efforts of Turkey and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the countries ambitions for EU memberships. The question formulation of the essay is whether there is differences in Turkey?s and Bosnia and Herzegovina?s qualifications for an EU-membership from an EU perspective. In order to better answer the question, we use two part questions. One is about the criterias and qualifications that need to be met in order to get a membership.

This final project is an investigation about the responsibility in rooms where the walls and floors are exposed or partly exposed to irrigation of water, as a bathroom, laundry room and WC. The cost for all water damage is valued for 5 000 000 000 SEK each year. How is this possible with all information about the problem and good materials? Who is responsible? Incites had been made in the subject throw reading reports and participation in courses about how to make a room mention above. Discussions have been made with workers in the trade of making the walls waterproof.The conclusion in the rapport is about who´s responsible for the damages and will pay the cost of the renovation. The responsibility is discussed between the contractor and the insurance company.

I studien ?Barnets inflytande och delaktighet kring måltiden i förskolan? har vi undersökt barns delaktighet och inflytande kring måltiden på två olika förskolor och sedan jämfört dessa. Undersökningen har genomförts med hjälp av sex stycken strukturerade observationer. Vi studerade hur de vuxna jobbade med delaktighet och inflytande med barnen. Vi studerade även hur barnens kommunikation var när de pratade med varandra och till de vuxna.

This thesis highlights the complex relationship between social movements and the mass media. The new social movements really have to struggle to get access to the media sphere, often enforced to use spectacular media strategies, and at the same time maintain their political messages. This struggle gives us reason to question the liberal notion of the media as a neutral arena for political communication and debate. In fact we argue that the media industry should be seen as a powerful actor and that the mass media serves to maintain and enforce an ideology that serves the political and economic elites in the liberal capitalist democracy. The Social movements that seek to question these elites and present an alternative, as they did during the EU-meeting in Gothenburg 2001, quite clearly gets far from neutral media image of the political actions taking place instead the are portrayed as violent or associated with violence and not presented as legitimate or believable political subjects..

Denna uppsats har som syfte att undersöka och jämföra Lijphars och Horowitz teorier om etniska konflikter. Uppsatsen tittar dels på teorierna och deras grunder och dels på fallen av etniska konflikter i Bosnien och Makedonien. Uppsatsen försöker att urskilja viktiga detaljer och utgångspunkter som ligger i grunden för teorierna och deras förslag på lösningar av etniska konflikter. Genom att undersöka Dayton ? avtalet som reglerar maktdelningen i Bosnien och författningsförändringarna i Makedonien som indirekt påverkar det multipolära systemet i landet.

This thesis is an analysis based on the problem of defining a humanitarian intervention and argues when or not, it is appropriate to operate it. The interest lies in finding out whether the argument itself is justifiable,not whether the act of interference was justifiable. My hypothesis is that both private and international operatios misuse the definition "humanitarian interventions" as an excuse to trespass the laws of war. Behind the idea of protecting human rights, freedom and democracy, is the liberalist idea of all individuals being equal. The respect for their freedom and rights drives outside actors to intervene when crimes are comitted against them.

Parkinsons sjukdom är en neurologisk sjukdom, som främst drabbar motorik, men även kan påverka psykosociala och kognitiva funktioner. Studiens syfte var att kartlägga aktiviteter och upplevd delaktighet hos en grupp personer med Parkinsons sjukdom (n = 10). En semistrukturerad intervju gjordes med genomgång av aktiviteter under ett dygn. Data analyserades utifrån aktivitets- och delaktighetsdomänerna i ICF. Jämförelse med tidigare forskningsresultat visade att personerna i den aktuella undersökningsgruppen ägnade mer tid åt personlig vård, men mindre tid åt vila och TV-tittande.

What on earth do people see in camping? Why do they choose this compact living in their holiday? All that people in caravans who are put together in a camp site.The purpose of my study was to find out who and wy. My ethnographic study in a camp site with participation observations, interviews and analysis have results in facts that show why.The most common camper is the house owner with average income. And the choice of the camp site depend on the security and the service that the camp site offered. The camp site was controlled and the campers controlled each other.

The subject of this study has been organizational change within two Scandinavian green parties ? the Swedish Green Party and the Norwegian Green Party. Looking at the organizational changes within these two parties using Robert Michel?s famous concept the ?iron law of oligarchy?, I have studied whether these two parties have become more oligarchic after having been elected to the national parliaments of Sweden and Norway respectively. What I have found is that although these two parties still retain much of the original organizational structure that they have had, in particular the Swedish Green Party, change has occurred and seems to be occurring, at least in the Norwegian Green Party, which would indicate that the two parties have become more oligarchic.