The aim of the thesis is twofold: the first aim is to identify a number of reproductive logics that are used to construct Swedish regulation of embryo donation for reproductive use as either ethical or unethical in the governmental ? and medical discussions ? and to examine how these logics are interconnected with notions of gender and parenthood. The second aim is to identify a number of tensions that arise in the application of the governmental ethical logic on the embryo and embryo donation and discuss how these tensions can be solved with a feminist material approach. I argue that the terminology used to distinguish between genetic, biological, social and legal parenthood in my material is insufficient for understanding the value of the embryo outside its pre-human status. I therefore argue for an embryonic feminist bioethics that is attentive to the embryos post-human status, and for a reformulation of the parenthood terminology in line with what I call ?reproductive ties?..

Citizens? freedom of choice has been a subject of debate in Sweden for over 30 years. This study focuses on decision making processes among patients within the Swedish healthcare system. The main conclusions are that in contrast to how patients? freedom of choice is described within governmental bills and governmental inquires and reports, patients are not following the steps included in the rational model of decision making.

The aim of this study was to examine how state representatives prepared domestic violence, regarding the economic consequences of women exposed to violence. In order to achieve a profound and comprehensive view of the governmental keyfigures discussion we performed five interviews and studied selected governmental preparatory works between the years 1995-2015. We used theory on social construction as an approach and certain themes were more regular in our empirical material, which we compiled in three different discourses. According to our empirical material the economic situation of women exposed to violence is caused by inequality and gender power structure. The solution given by state representatives are referred to the municipality and social services.

Different reports imply that the Roma are an excluded group in numerous areas of both Sweden and Europe. Efforts have been done through the centuries without given intentional results. The past 12 years as a Swedish national minority have not diminished the gap between the Roma and the majority society. How does Sweden create and operate its minority policy especially towards the Roma? We have studied international and national minority policy to see how it is described and implemented in the municipality work.

I denna uppsats analyseras de faktorer som ligger bakom beslutet att låta Turkiet inleda inträdesförhandlingar med EU. Dessa faktorer analyseras utifrån Allisons tre modeller: Rational Actor Model, Organizational Behavior och Governmental Politics. Modellerna beskriver olika komponenter som låg till grund för beslutstagandet.I vår analys belyses först de statliga aktörerna och deras motiv för att ge Turkiet kandidatstatus och ett datum för eventuella förhandlingar, enligt Rational Actor Model. Därefter belyses de organisatoriska strukturerna bakom EU och dess inverkan på det faktiska inledandet av förhandlingarna enligt Organizational Behavior. Slutligen nämns kortfattat Governmental Politics, som behandlar nyckelpersoner och förhandlingskonstellationer, eftersom modellen ej kunnat genomföras i sin helhet.Uppsatsen har som uppgift att tillämpa de olika modellernas styrka i den specifika fallstudien och utgör en ny syn inom europeisk integration..

Terrorattackerna 11 september 2001 kom att innebära dramatiska förändringar av den amerikanska utrikespolitiken. Syftet med denna uppsats är att med hjälp av två olika teorier förklara denna förändring. För analysen av George W. Bush används kognitiv teori och för att analysera förhandlingsspelet mellan de centrala aktörerna inom USA:s utrikesförvaltning används Graham Allisons modell Governmental Politics,Analysen visar att Bush efter 11 september omtolkar förutsättningar för USA i världen och sin egen roll som president. Han tar en mer aktiv roll i skapandet av en ny utrikespolitisk strategi.

This Bachelor?s thesis examines and describes the governmental cultural policy in Sweden. The relation between the state and the market in society is in focus. Earlier research is used to describe the development of cultural policy in Sweden after the world war two until today. Two governmental bills are examined and described, one from 1974 and one from 2009.

Even though discrimination of gender in schools and general workplaces is prohibited by Swedish law, there are reports and witness accounts that suggest that discrimination, such as sexual harassment, still exist in Swedish schools.The main purpose with this essay is to look into how questions concerning gender related issues and equality between the sexes is treated in the schools governmental directives, and in textbooks, such trying to examine in what way these questions are addressed in schools. I will answer the following:In what way and to what extent do the governmental directives bring up questions concerning gender related issues and equality, and how are the teachers governed into teaching these matters?Has there been any change concerning these matters between Lgr-80 and Lpo-94?What is written in textbooks in social studies about gender rôle and equality and to what extent do they follow the curriculum?Is there any visible change in textbooks written after Lgr-80 and Lpo-94?In order to answer these questions I will analyze the curricula, Lgr-80 and Lpo-94, and textbooks in social studies written on the basis of these curricula.The study showed a more evident governing towards an active teaching and mentoring the students to equality between the sexes, in Lgr-80 than in Lpo-94. The textbooks followed above all Lgr-80 in three of four cases and in the fourth case the curriculum was not followed at all..

This is a bachelor?s essay in the landscape architect programme in Alnarp. The purpose of the essay is to describe discussions about security in planning contexts in Sweden. Written material from three levels of the discussions has been studied: Swedish research, governmental directives and practisers. I have tried to obtain a variation in types of material.

This thesis describes and examines a new line of business, CleanTech. CleanTech comprises a wide range of different types of companies and is not yet well defined. In this thesis only the Swedish market is considered, and a variety of players on the market are included to give the most extensive picture of the current situation. Recent research shows that a gap has arisen between governmental financing and private equity-investments in CleanTech-companies. This gap occurs mainly in companies in expansive phases and causes problems both for the companies and for the line of business as a whole. To investigate this gap the Swedish CleanTech-business is described in terms of earlier and existing financing, age and size of the companies and their turnover and profit.

This essay is questioning if the state as an unsecured creditor in a bankruptcy proceeding, according to the principle of equal treatment, has the same rights as the other unsecured creditors. The principle of equal treatment means that creditors with unsecured claims are supposed to have mutually equal rights to dividends in a bankruptcy. In the Swedish bankruptcy law from 1987 there are recycling rules which means that some legal actions taken by the bankrupt debtor before the bankruptcy can be recycled to the bankruptcy estate. These rules do not apply on taxes. This essay analyzes whether the state should have this advantage or not.

The appointing of Swedish governmental officials has gone through a dramatic change the last nine years. The tradition of officials appointed due to their political experience has been traded against the appointing of experts. In this study I ask questions about this new way of appointing representatives effects how these officials interpret their role. An official that who has never been in the party before appointed, obviously cannot consider the principal of party. With the theoretical approach of normative representation theory (representational style) I perform case studies that shows some change.

This study deals with Swedish nuclear-energy politics from 1980 to 2006. The purpose is to trace and to explain change and stability in three political parties? rhetoric concerning the phase-out of Swedish nuclear-energy and the Swedish government?s nuclear politics. Two hypotheses based on path dependency theory are tested to analyze if rhetoric and politics are developing in separate directions. The first hypothesis is based on the idea that earlier promises from the political parties affect what promises they can make later on.

The aim of this Masters thesis is to examine the view of funding and sponsorship of culture within Swedish governmental cultural policy. The main issue is to discover changes in attitude towards funding and sponsorship of culture by comparing the discourse of cultural policy in the 1970s with the discourse of cultural policy in the 1990s. The theoretical and methological starting point is Ernesto Laclaus and Chantal Mouffes discourse theory. Another theoretical starting point is Danish cultural policy reasearcher Dorte Skot-Hansens theories of the development of cultural policy in the Nordic countries, and Norman Faircloughs, of critical discourse analysis, theory of the marketization of discourse. Four governmental cultural policy documents, two from the 1970s and two from the 1990s, are analysed through a model loosely based on Laclaus and Mouffes idea of nodalpoints and elements constituting a discourse.

Uganda and Tanzania are two countries severely affected by HIV/AIDS. Hence, there are a numbers of associations for PLHA there. In "Global transformations. Politics, economics and culture", Held, Mc Greew, Goldblatt and Perrton focuses None Governmental Organizations as important actors in the globalized world of today, with increased opportunities to influence and affect the politics. The aim of this paper is to investigate the opportunities for associations for PLHA in Tanzania and Uganda to affect in the national level of politics.