Background: Despite the time and money invested in relationships with other companies, it is a fact that many of them fail. Considering this, remarkably little research has been done regarding how inter-organisational relationships are controlled, given that control can function as a solution to the problems involved with collaboration, which arise since such a relation exists in the interface between organisational boundaries, where the companies? often conflicting interests and points of view meet. If one part is stronger than the other in a relationship, the weaker however tends to give way for the stronger?s will.

This study attempts to answer the question of whether the propaganda of the Swedish political parties ?Socialdemokraterna?, and/or ?Sverigedemokraterna?, used for the election to the European parliament 2009, are to be viewed as populistic. Furthermore, is the propaganda to viewed as included in the ?Classical populism?, the ?New populism?, both, or none of the above genres? With a theoretical approach deriving from earlier works on the subject Classical/New populism from a number of writers, the study uses empirical and qualitative text analysis to study the parties propaganda. For each of the two genres of populism an ideal type is set up, which is used to define their core elements.

The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine how family members perceive family support, and to gain a deeper understanding of how the relatives' part is affected by the dementia ill person. The result has been produced by semi-structured interviews with five respondents interviewed individually. The respondents who participated in the study, care for the dementia sufferer husband / wife at home, or the husband / wife has moved to a special housing. The result includes the perception of being a relative of a person with dementia, how they experience support from various parties, if there are any differences between men and women as well as the importance of communication and attitude. Overall it was shown that relatives often felt a sense of security and that they were satisfied with the support they received from the various parties.

This study deals with the phenomenon of European integration and its impact on national party programs in Poland, a current member state of the European Union. The author will argue that the question of European integration has left a mark on the political party programs of two mainstream domestic parties on opposite sides of the ideological dimension, in the form of a certain degree of convergence regarding the ?European issue?. Relating the result of the analysis to the theoretical structure of Europeanization and sociological institutional change, the essay will attempt to show a possible link between them. Although this trend does not seem to indicate any dramatic effects of the membership per se in the programs (the national arena seems, in most cases, be of more value for party activities) there is an indirect effect in the form of the presence of Europarties and a pronounced incentive for social and economic adaptation..

This thesis explores the decisions behind swedish principals to permit or prohibit political parties from visiting schools. Through a series of semistructured qualitative interviews with five respondents from different high schools, insights were gathered into their motivations regarding political party visits to schools. The results indicate that principals view political party visits as significant for fostering civic engagement, aligned with the school's democratic mission. However, some principals opt to prohibit such visits due to concerns about non democratic values and potential disruptions. Practical considerations like safety, logistical issues, and conflict risks are also crucial in their decision-making, highlighting awareness of potential challenges posed by political visits.

The purpose of this paper is to compare the content and political message in the election posters of the political parties Sverigedemokraterna and Feministiskt Initiativ. This is achieved through a qualitative content analysis combined with text and rhetorical analysis as well as semiotics. Out of all the election posters from Sverigedemokraterna and Feministiskt Initiativ with national spread, eight were analyzed. The conclusions of this analysis are that both political parties prefer posters with high text content with the main purpose of gathering votes, and that persons were used as motives with the objective to present the party representatives and strengthen their perceived ethos..

Aim: To investigate how three of the biggest political parties in Sweden made use of socialmedia in the election campaign in 2010, and to get a picture of how the parties perceive therole of social media in political communication today and in the future.Method: The research is conducted through personal interviews and qualitative textualanalysis.Theory: The theory that the study is based on is Habermas theory of the public sphereMain results: Social media is today an excellent channel for communication and informationbetween politicians and voters, and they will probably become increasingly important inpolitical communication in the future. So far, they are only an addition to the traditional mediaand are in no way substituted for them. Internet and some social media is an excellent forumfor political debate and opinion-former..

It is important to ensure and develop the Swedish model for riding schools, since the pupils at a Swedish riding school learn both to ride and to handle horses. There is a pronounced problem of stagnation and in some cases a reduced demand in several of the equine industry sectors including breeding with decreased coverings. The aim of this study was to cast light on how representatives from the horse industry looks at riding schools and their recruitment of horses in the next five years. The research issue was ?Will there be difficulties regarding horse recruitment in 2020 and in that case, what are the consequences?? The results of this work consist mostly of material from a workshop on how the riding school will be affected by reduced breeding in the future.

During the later parts of the 20th century there occurred several changes to the Swedish public sector. These changes aimed to effectivize and decentralize the governance model in the public sector. One of these changes was the municipalization of the school system, put forward and proposed by the social democratic government in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This study aims to examine and compare that times different parliamentary parties' opinions on the municipalization of the school system. The source material consists of government bills, and in direct relation to the municipalization of the school system.

AbstractIn this study, then collaboration agreement impact of the work on 11 and 19 § § MBL are studied. The employer and collective agreements bearing employee union are often involved in collaborative agreements to facilitate cooperation between them. Issues addressed to collaboration areoften questions related to employee participation. The purpose of this study is to investigate two local employers and related collective bearing employee unionsview of the cooperation agreement related to the MBL. The purpose leads to these questions:?How can co-operation agreements affect 11 and 19 § § MBL??What are theadvantages and disadvantages cooperation agreementscan lead to, regardingemployer disclosure and negotiation duty?To try to sort out these issues are interviews conducted to create a greater understanding of the work of the Cooperation Agreement between organizations and how it affects them.Results of the study suggest that collaboration agreement leads to simplifications in the work of the employer's information and bargaining duty.

This thesis studies the subject on how disabilities are written about in Swedish politics, the programs of the seven parties in the parliament are studied. The thesis is divided into two parts; where the first part is a content analysis to see how often disability are mention in each programme. It differs between one (the Left Party) and 33 times (the Christian Democrates). This first part also works as a backround to the second part of the study. This part of the thesis is built upon a discourse analysis.

This essay examines the environmental ideological direction of the Swedish parliamentary parties through the private members motions directed to the committee of industry and trade and the committee of environment and agriculture during the governmental time from 2002 to 2006.The environmental ideologies explained is anthropocentrism, ecocentrism and biocentrism. Based on the ideas of these three ideologies main points the private members motions directed to the committee of industry and trade and the committee of environment and agriculture, also matching the search words environment and energy, was compared and analysed.What has emerged is that all parliamentary parties express a desire to create an energy production and producing guide lines which are stringent environmentally and matches the safety requirements. Although the approach to environmental and safety standards differ significantly between them. Basically all Swedish parliamentary parties are more or less anthropocentric in its arguments, which in short terms means that they estimate natures and animals value through their usability for humans or based on their contribution to human feelings of wellbeing.The Centre Party and the Green Party shows hints of weak ecocentrism because in many cases they put animal intrinsic value high, but the human value higher. Moderates are predominantly anthropocentric but they also express some hint of biocentrism in one statement concerning research in order to reduce and rebuild environmentally destroyed areas.

Our purposes with this essay was from the perspective of young people that has completed a stay at HVB-home, their parents and the social welfare secretaries get an apprehension on their way of looking at the purpose of placement in a HVB-home agrees with the comprehensive view of the placement. We also wish to get a picture of what is of important to change in this matter. How do they experience the reasons for the placement, goals and purpose? What positive and negative experience do they have from their placement? What is relevant to change when you look at the different parties' ways of looking at change/progress in this matter? In what different ways do the parties look upon collaboration and how does that effect the treatment? Our qualitative study is built upon interviews with the persons mentioned, upon educational visits to HVB-homes and upon interviews of staff at HVB-homes. The staffs opinion has also been compared with the other perspectives.

AbstractIn this study, then collaboration agreement impact of the work on 11 and 19 § § MBL are studied. The employer and collective agreements bearing employee union are often involved in collaborative agreements to facilitate cooperation between them. Issues addressed to collaboration areoften questions related to employee participation. The purpose of this study is to investigate two local employers and related collective bearing employee unionsview of the cooperation agreement related to the MBL. The purpose leads to these questions:?How can co-operation agreements affect 11 and 19 § § MBL??What are theadvantages and disadvantages cooperation agreementscan lead to, regardingemployer disclosure and negotiation duty?To try to sort out these issues are interviews conducted to create a greater understanding of the work of the Cooperation Agreement between organizations and how it affects them.Results of the study suggest that collaboration agreement leads to simplifications in the work of the employer's information and bargaining duty.

Since 1983 the people of Sri Lanka has endured an ongoing Civil war, however the intencity has varied over the years. The aim of this theses is to examine what influence the asymmetric relationship between the Sri Lankan goverment and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has on the process of negotiating a solution to the civil war. I am also examining whether the asymmetical relationship has changed over time and if these changes have had any effect on the process.To analyze the asymmetries I divide them into material and non-material. I measure the material asymmetries in economic and military resourses, and to measure the non-material I use indicators such as commitment, alternative, controll and legitimacy.The results show that the asymmetrical relations between the parties in Sri Lanka have changed since the 1990s. Factors like 9/11 and the recurrent suicide bombings by the LTTE has had a great influence on the singalese-tamil relationsship.