The Swedish security policy has changed from stressing Neutrality to embrace co-operation within the EU and other organisations. New threats like terrorism, boarder-crossing criminality and natural disasters require new ways to deal with this type of problems to protect the society. Since the beginning of 21st century the high Russian economic growth has made it possible for the country to play an increasingly role as a superpower on the international political stage. In the same time the democratic development has been replaced by an autocratic rule which has obstructed the Russian- European relations. From a Swedish security policy view the Russian political development is of importance and the picture of Russian as a threat has changed from 1996 to 2008/09.

 The aim of this essay is, by using tree conductive Swedish newspapers, see how thesubmarine violations that Sweden suffered during 1980s, was depicted in the Swedish press in terms of threats. Two major submarine violations will be investigated in this paper, U137-incident in Karlskrona archipelago in 1981 and Hårsfjärden-incident in Stockholm archipelago in 1982. To achieve the purpose, I use a qualitativ method and a threatperspective to answer my questions. These questions are for instance- From which nation, according to press reports, comes the threat?- What is, according to the press, threatened?The results show that the press saw the submarine violations as a major and serious threat that mainly come from Soviet Union.

Standing outside the EU and the EES, Switzerland is a unique state characterized by federalism, direct democracy and Neutrality. Though always focused on preserving these features and its sovereignty, Switzerland has managed to gain access to some sectors of the single market through bilateral agreements with the EU. The purpose of this thesis is to examine what level of integration Switzerland has reached in those bilaterally regulated sectors of the single market. As integration cannot easily be assessed, the extent of the Swiss adoption of the acquis is seen as an indicator of the level of integration and is thus examined. The conclusion is that Switzerland, mostly due to the economic interest of common rules, but partly due to pressure from the EU, almost completely adopts the acquis in the bilaterally regulated sectors, including the interpretation of the ECJ.

Under kalla kriget fanns stora skillnader mellan den deklarerade svenska säkerhetspolitiken och det faktiska handlandet. Problemformuleringen lyfter frågan om även nutida svensk säkerhetspolitik innehåller betydande diskrepanser. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka korrelationen mellan proposition 2008/09:140 ? ett användbart försvar och proposition 2010/11:111 - Svenskt deltagande i den internationella militärainsatsen i Libyen. Med utgångspunkt i ett antal empiriskt bevisade småstatsbeteenden som syftar till ökat inflytande och därmed, för en liten stat i Europa som Sverige, ökad makt analyseras propositionerna.

The Income Tax Act is enacted what criteria must be met to obtain a tax reduction of household work. Household work is the common term for ROT- and RUT-works. The purpose of the tax reduction is to increase job opportunities and to discourage that undocumented work performs.It is only for the labor cost as tax reduction is given for. The concept of labor cost is defined in law as it is not comprised of cost of materials, equipment or travel. The preliminary work provides no closer explanation what the labor cost includes.

Sweden needs a policy that stimulates economic growth. Year 1996 the Business Reorganization Act (1996:764) came into force. The goal with this law was to savebusiness, make it profitable and avoid unnecessary bankruptcies. Shortly afterwards itturned out that the law had no positive effect. A very few numbers of companies appliedfor reconstruction and the number of applications for bankruptcies continued to increase.In 2004, in order to stabilize the situation and bring about Neutrality between twoproceedings, company reorganization and bankruptcy, the government proposed thereform of priority rules.

This is an examination of how interdependence affects the behaviour of politicians and their ability to govern the way they want to. I analyze the memoirs of two Swedish prime ministers, Tage Erlander and Ingvar Carlsson to explore their experiences. I focus on how the increasing interdependence affects the politicians with regards to security, welfare, and financial policies. Sweden had a special position between Soviet and NATO during the cold war. This meant Sweden gave priority to it's Neutrality policy during the cold war, compared to increased trade cooperation.

This essay is a discourse and a feminist theoretical analysis that focuses on the alternative discourse that we consider Feminist Initiative to be constitutive of. Our theoretical stance, with base in Laclau and Mouffes discourse theory, builds on the notion that reality is characterised by conflicts between different competing discursive formations and that the social is an endless struggle over the preferential right of interpretation of meaning. More specifically, the essay focuses on the discursive struggle over the meaning of the term politics. It is our understanding that the dominant perception of politics necessarily excludes other understandings, which can according to Eduards, be explained as a consequence of a patriarchal distribution of power that renders the subordination of certain understandings of politics accordingly. Feminist Initiative, as an alternative discourse, can therefore be perceived as a threat to the dominating discourse of politics, which in order to maintain its preferential right of interpretation seek to illegitimatise and depoliticise the politics that the alternative discourse represents.

The Swedish Social Democratic Party was for a long time skeptical of Sweden?s opportunitiesto apply for membership in the European Community. Sweden?s longstanding policy ofNeutrality was until the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe 1989 seen as an obstacle tomembership. These changes were an important factor to why the social democratic partychanged their position on the EC and in October 1990 applied for membership.

During the last years a discussion has emerged around problems with Swedish state boards trying to influence the public opinion and even political bodies through different kind of information efforts. Several observers inside and outside the academy have studied how state boards increasingly use information as an instrument and also how political bodies increasingly have given such instructions to state boards. This essay put those studies into the context of both information political history and previous theoretical interpretations in that field of research.The analytical tool consists of four ideal typical ways ('state opinions') to arrange relations between the state and the citizen. Some critics focus on problems with too much political steering and how political majorities uses state boards to spread ideological propaganda. Others highlight problems with autonomy and bureaucratic organizations taking initiatives by themselves to spread normative information.

With background in the acknowledgement of the current period of major change in the characteristics of traditional Swedish foreign policy, considering the membership in the European Union, as well as the new contextual scenarios that Sweden has been situated in after the end of the cold war, this thesis aims at scrutinizing the Swedish Foreign Policy from 1991 to 2010. The purpose of the thesis is further to localize continuity and change in the ideas which Sweden has explicitly stated in its foreign policy. Based on the theory of institutionalism, the thesis also aims to bring forward plausible explanations built on the main empirical findings. This has been done by identifying different types of goals and means within realism and liberalism as well as categorizing each theory within three ideal types.The chosen research method has been a qualitative text analysis with focus on an ideational analysis. The material on which the descriptive analysis is based upon is constituted by the annual statements of government policy in parliamentary debates on foreign affairs.The results of the thesis show that the ideas that are related to solidarity, consensus and active foreign policy are constant through the period of examination.

This thesis discusses taxation of benefits, which shareholders and company leaders can enjoy from close corporations. The Government said in the government bill lead- ing to the amendments regarding taxation of benefits, that it should be the possibility alone to enjoy benefits that should be the reason to impose taxes on company lead- ers. The Swedish tax agency (Skatteverket) has agreed to that statement. In other words, it isn?t necessary that someone actually enjoys the company?s assets for pri- vate use, it is enough that they have the right of disposal of them in order to be taxed.

This thesis discusses taxation of benefits, which shareholders and company leaders can enjoy from close corporations. The Government said in the government bill lead- ing to the amendments regarding taxation of benefits, that it should be the possibility alone to enjoy benefits that should be the reason to impose taxes on company lead- ers. The Swedish tax agency (Skatteverket) has agreed to that statement. In other words, it isn?t necessary that someone actually enjoys the company?s assets for pri- vate use, it is enough that they have the right of disposal of them in order to be taxed.

The purpose with this study is to investigate how the two biggest political parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderate/Conservative Party, looks at a membership in the defense alliance North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The question have the illegal annexation of Crimea affected how the parties look at a membership in Nato will be answered and analyzed. How they discuss, how they believe that a membership can affect the Swedish foreign policy will be examined in this paper. Nato is a topic that during the last century?s have divided the Swedish population into two groups: one that advocates a membership and one that fight?s against a Swedish membership in the alliance. The debate about Nato has, since the illegal annexation of the Crimea, changed and are now more relevant than ever to discuss.

This paper studies, from a client perspective, how three Swedish municipalities work with information about a voucher system in homecare. The paper is a qualitative study using structured informant interviews and analysis of documents. The interviewees are responsible of information about the voucher system in the municipalities. The studied documents describe and clarify the voucher system of the municipality. Neo-institutional organization theory is used to analyse the result.