The aim of this thesis is to seek understanding to how a national identity is constructed. Five women and five men at the age of 21-37 years old have been interviewed during November 2005 and January 2006. All of them lived Oslo at the time. The informants have been divided into two groups, `Swedish immigrants` and `Norwegian immigrants`, none of the people interviewed is ethnic `Swedish` or `Norwegian`. The empirical material has been analysed with the help of Billig´s theory about banal nationalism and Laclau and Mouffe´s discourse analysis.

The aim of this study has been to, through a couple of chosen theories, examine in what way and for what purposes Japan has used its international aid system, How can the nation have been said to have implemented and acted in lines with the philosophies and principles set forth in the ODA declaration. What approaches, concerning positive and negative aid sanctions in the matters of aid to Cambodia and Burma, have been chosen and what have the motives for these choices been. What have been the determining factors of the outcome related to these sanctions - economic, political and/or matters of identity? I have found that a concern for possible decrease in economic profit and investment related areas, combined with a feared loss of political prestige and worsened diplomatic relations to the neighbouring countries in the Asian society, have come to overtrump the notion of advocating democracy, human rights, environmental and anti-militaristic issues..

When the Soviet union collapsed at the beginning of the 1990s, a democratization began to develop. During the Jeltsin years, democracy in Russia was developing steadily, but since Putin became president at the turn of the century it has started to move back towards authoritarian rule. The purpose of this study is to explore the reasons for why the democracy in Russia never became consolidated and to understand why the country again has moved towards an authoritarian rule, like the one during the Soviet union.In order to fulfill the aim of this study, two theories were used. These were Linz and Stepan's consolidation theory, about the five arenas that have to be developed, and Samuel P. Huntington's theory about authoritarian nostalgia.

How is the identity of Swedish diplomats affected by living a very international life, regularly moving from one place to another, while their main task is to represent Sweden at all times? How does the national identity relate to the professional and the international identity and what role does the context play in this process? These are the questions asked in this thesis. By interviewing 39 Swedish diplomats and by comparing the responses of the interviews and the theories applied, this thesis will show that it is the context, rather than the time spent abroad that changes their identities and not the least their perspectives of the world. The theories concern intersectional identities, nationalism, context and globalisation. It is from the point of view that identities are constructed and therefore changeable.The diplomats gain a greater awareness of their Swedish identity, wider and deeper perspectives of what it means to be Swedish, but also the advantages that other cultures have to offer.

Denna studie undersöker om Sverige som produktland ger ett mervärde åt produkter relaterade till Sverige på den australiensiska markanden. Studien är grundad på en enkätstudie som utfördes på 67 personer i Toowoomba, Australien. Kopplingen till ett lands mervärde ligger i kundens uppfattning till de land de förknippar produkten med, något som kan förstärkas eller minskas. Studien visar att över 90 % av de tillfrågade kände till Ericsson, IKEA och Volvo medan drygt hälften kände till Absolut. De hade alla en starkare produktnisch än Sverige som nation.

Uppsatsens syfte är att redogöra hur människor socialt kan konstruera och omkonstruera sin identitet. Frågeställningen vi arbetat utifrån är: Hur kan serber, kroater och bosniaker i Sverige socialt konstruera och omkonstruera sin identitet? Frågeställningen är framlyft ur teorin som används i uppsatsen, konstruktivismen. Teoridelen behandlas utifrån detta synsätt, där centrala aspekter vid identitetsskapandet tas upp. Dessa är att identiteter: är sociala konstruktioner, enbart är meningsfulla i kontext, motiverar till gemensam handling, är multipla och flerdimensionella och betonas i gränsytan mellan vi och dom.

AbstractThis study examines how knowledge transfer works within the student nations of Uppsala. The purpose is to describe and analyze how the knowledge is transferred when the officials are being exchanged within the student nation. Furthermore the purpose is to explore if the student nations work active to preserve the knowledge and how it is done in such case. Eight out of Uppsalas thirteen nations are part of the study and the survey was conducted by qualitative interview. The study mainly assumes from Argotes theories on the organizational memory, Davenport and Prusaks theories on knowledge transfer and Nonaka and Konnos SECI-model. The study reveals that the student nations work in different ways and more and less active with knowledge transfer.

Ämnesområdet för denna uppsats är fascismen i Sverige efter andra världskriget. Uppsatsens huvudsakliga syfte är att undersöka Per Engdahls ideologi efter andra världskriget utifrån den fascitiska ideologins struktur. Uppsatens sekundära syfte är att undersöka om hans ideologi förändrades efter andra världskriget, om den gjorde det och vad det kan berott på. I uppsatsen har fyra olika politiska program från Nysvenska rörelsen undersökts, alla skrivna av Per Engdahl, mellan åren 1958 till 1979. I uppsatsen har en ideologianalys använts som metod för att dels undersöka det manifesta samt det latenta budskapet i Engdahls politiska program.

Syfte: Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur fotbollsklubbars aktiekurs påverkas av klubbarnas prestationer på planen i hänsyn till matchresultat. Delsyftet är att se om andra faktorer som är länkade till matchresultat kan ge mer eller mindre tyngd till eventuella prisförändringar. Metod: Uppsatsen har ett positivistiskt vetenskapligt förhållningssätt och ett deduktivt angreppssätt. Undersökningen tillämpar en eventstudie-metodologi där eventperioden är satt till dagen efter eventet och där estimeringsperioden omfattar 250 dagar.Efter bortfall täcker insamlad data information kring 1060 matcher från 12 olika lag under åren 2011-2013. Data används för att mäta om en genomsnittlig avvikande avkastning (AAR) har uppstått i samband med matchutfall. Utöver detta undersöks de mer psykologiska faktorerna vändningar, anormal målskillnad och förväntningars effekt på den avvikande avkastningen.

The aim of this political scientist paper is to describe and analyze the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan 1992-2006 using the theory of Kolstö about how and why quasi states develops and the theory of Pegg regarding how the international society deal with quasi states. A qualitative case method is used. In the study the two theories are combined. Iraqi Kurdistan is used as a case to study to confirm Kolstö?s and Pegg?s theories.

I den här uppsatsen försöker vi förklara vad som orsakar problematiska civila samhällen, det vill säga civila samhällen som inte bidrar till demokratisk konsolidering. Undersökningen är en fallstudie av Bosnien-Hercegovina, ett etniskt splittrat land som fått mycket internationellt bistånd. Vi utgår från ett eget teoretiskt ramverk där vi främst knyter samman befintliga teorier, men även skapar nya begrepp.Vi kommer fram till att både den nationella politiska kontexten och det internationella givarsamfundets roll är av stor betydelse för att förklara problemen i det bosniska civila samhället. De inhemska politiska strukturerna och aktörerna har cementerat den etniska polariseringen och otryggheten, vilket främjat framväxten av odemokratiskt, intolerant civilt samhälle. Det internationella givarsamfundet har genom sitt massiva, villkorade bistånd berövat det goda civila samhället dess autonomi, vilket gjort det svagt..

North Korea has been on people?s minds lately. This essay is a study of what image Swedish press gave of North Korea starting in 1948 and ending in 2011. The study looks at two of the largest newspapers in Sweden, Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter.  During the 1950´s the image given was that North Korea was part of the communists, a puppet state of the Soviet Union.

 The aim of this essay is, by using tree conductive Swedish newspapers, see how thesubmarine violations that Sweden suffered during 1980s, was depicted in the Swedish press in terms of threats. Two major submarine violations will be investigated in this paper, U137-incident in Karlskrona archipelago in 1981 and Hårsfjärden-incident in Stockholm archipelago in 1982. To achieve the purpose, I use a qualitativ method and a threatperspective to answer my questions. These questions are for instance- From which nation, according to press reports, comes the threat?- What is, according to the press, threatened?The results show that the press saw the submarine violations as a major and serious threat that mainly come from Soviet Union.

A decision has been made that the Swedish and the Finnish Navy will expand their cooperation by creating the ?Swedish-Finnish Naval Task Group? (SFNTG).Based on Michael Codner?s theory of interoperability, this essay?s aim is to investigate if the Swedish and the Finnish currently are interoperable with each other, due to their military strategic concepts.According to Codner, similarities between the cooperating nation?s military strategic concepts are required in order to reach a high degree of interoperability. This essay will analyze and compare Sweden and Finland?s military strategic concepts, based on three categories; Global Projection, Territorial Defence and Combat Capability.The conclusion is that there are differences between the Swedish and the Finnish military strategic concepts in every category, of varying degrees. By looking at the results of this investigation, it is clear in what direction the two nations have to adapt their concepts to enable a high degree of interoperability for the future of the SFNTG..

Following an increase in hostile foreign activity. The discussion regarding Sweden?s defense force´s ability to perform its task has come to a new heading. With the end of the cold war as a major revolution in matters of international security, a major overhaul has taken place to transform the static total defense plan of the nation to a less rigid operational system.Following an analysis of the budgets total amount from the governments of 2002 until 2015 it is clear that while the amount of resources has never directly been lowered, it has shrunk in relation to the countries total GDP. The possible futures for the defense of Sweden bring three possibilities forward in correlation three unique perspectives on military and political policy.Out of the three possibilities the focus on military strength as a political resource seems to be garnering the most support with the latest incursions made my foreign submersibles and the ever growing presence of 5th generation of warfare.