The fact that we apprehend certain phenomena as more convenient than others generate questions about what constitute and decide what we think of as normal and appropriate. The aim of this thesis is to explore the immense conception of power and authority through a narrower approach that focuses on the EU.With this in mind I examine the penetration of the neo-liberal ideology in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe to see if there are any implications for hegemony. This is achieved through a discourse analysis which is strengthened with empirical cases of EU policies.The result of the discourse analysis of selected parts of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe reveals that there are in fact tendencies which indicate that our society and reality is dominated by a neo-liberal hegemonic discourse. Subsequently the contemporary discourse broadly infiltrates the entire European Union, and therefore also its member states..

Between 1965-1974 one million new flats were produced in Sweden and the project is called the millionprogramme. One of the areas that was build during this period of time is Rosengård in Malmoe. Today Rosengård is a very segregated area, not just in relation to the city of Malmoe, but within itself. I´ve chosen to study the ideologies behind one of the actors acting and non acting regarding the segregation complex of problems in Rosengård, the housemanagers. I´ve studied one public housecompany and two houseassociations who all owns and manages houses in Rosengård.The ideologies that I´ve studied in this study is what the informers think of the people that live in Rosengård, the society in general, Rosengård and the diffrent smaller areas within Rosengård.

This essay aims to examine what subject positions are possible within the discourse of relationship anarchy. Through semi-structured interviews with four people who define themselves as relationship anarchists I've made a discourse analysis to determine how these relationship anarchists explain what, in the discourse they?re in, is described as an relationship anarchistic way of being, what isn?t and how they relate to this. Relationship anarchy is described as an ideology based on freedom. It is about the right to define their relationships as they like, as something constantly changing and that does not hold a specific value based on its label.

This thesis examines the ways in which adaptation and vulnerability are framed in national and sectorial policy-documents dealing with expected societal impacts of climate change. By using theories of discourse and ideology, the analysis aims to find and understand important ideas and presuppositions that are explicitly or implicitly expressed in these documents in order to make possible and tangible the institutional production of policy within the potentially far-reaching problematique of climate change adaptation and vulnerability. The analysis shows that there are two main perspectives through which vulnerability and adaptation are framed; one focusing limits to societal robustness; and one contesting the institutional capacity to implement adaptations. The author understands these framings as complementarily optimizing preconceived social and economic relations, something that might, in fact, reduce the response capacity of people..

The aim of this thesis is to examine expressions of power and racism in news reporting about the district of Rinkeby, Sweden, in two major Swedish newspapers. News articles are examined using Norman Fairclough?s three-dimensional model for critical discourse analysis. The discourse theory has also been complemented with theories of media in relation to power, ideology and racism. The study has shown that news reporting about Rinkeby largely focused on stereotypical subjects such as violence, social problems and crime.

The purpose of my study was to examine a competence-development in care of older people in which some of the personnel have been ?spjutspetsar?. More specifically my aim was to investigate how the personnel managed to supervise others in the organization. My main research questions were: How do the care-managers and the care-workers persecute their functions as ?spjutspetsar?? What form has the internal meeting between the competence-development and the organization ideology taken? What possibilities and obstacles have the care-managers and care-workers been confronted? In my study my research method is based on eight qualitative interviews.

This essay aims to examine what subject positions are possible within the discourse of relationship anarchy. Through semi-structured interviews with four people who define themselves as relationship anarchists I've made a discourse analysis to determine how these relationship anarchists explain what, in the discourse they?re in, is described as an relationship anarchistic way of being, what isn?t and how they relate to this. Relationship anarchy is described as an ideology based on freedom. It is about the right to define their relationships as they like, as something constantly changing and that does not hold a specific value based on its label.

The purpose of this paper is to understand why education is a human right. I will look at works by the late Paulo Freire, a Brazilian educator. Paulo Freire worked for many years on developing a pedagogy to promote humanity. His goal was to demonstrate that a literate person will ultimately live a better life because she will be free from oppression and domination.I chose to study Paulo Freire as a tool in proving why education is a human right because throughout his work he demonstrated the need for people to be literate in order for them to be considered ?truly human?.

The purpose of the essay is to make a comparative study between the Christian value parity and the Christian Democrats. To answer the purpose the following questions are asked: What are the similarities and differences between party programs? What are the similarities and differences in their origin? The theory used is based on Reidar Larlsson political ideologies, there were two ideologies used to apply on the result: conservatism and liberalism. The method was ideologies analysis. The result of the study shows that there were some similarities and some differences between the part programs.

In the last two decades something called ?the Eleatic Principle? has been quite frequent in philosophical literature. A wide range of philosophers have appealed to this principle when arguing for varioustheses but the principle itself has received comparatively little attention. Especially questions regarding the principle's justificationare often ignored or only mentioned in passing. The aim of this paper is to remedy this situation somewhat by focusing on how it could be justified.In section 2 I give an overview of the various ways in which the principle has been used to clarify just what we are dealing with here.

The research of the essay will be about Solidarity, the Polish trade union that began to rise in the beginning of 1980. In more specific tendencies to the empirical study, it is interesting getting to know about when the free trade union was created with a view to liberate the Polish people from Communism.The essay will be studied as an empirical case study, with a qualitative text analysis. The content will also include how power is allocated to the political, economic and social aspects of the national, and international relations. Therefore it will be relevant to use a method of ideology analysis to the qualitative text.The result of the theoretical analysis was that it is difficult to apply the social movements into a political change, even if it leads to success. According to this, participants in social movements are able to use the most potential and most necessities of resources, just as activists tend to do in reality..

This case study has its starting point in an unpublished study where the results showed that there is a conflict between the leadership and the employees in a private company. The conflict is identified as a result of the company leadership is steering for cost savings and efficiency The aim of this study is through analysis of  the open questions in a quantitative survey describe how the staffs  attitudes and culture is affecting the leadership of the organization. The ideological aspect is very clear and through the aspect of the structural differences between the public and private sector makes it possible to identify the staff?s social rules, ideology and group norms.  These are shown to be in conflict with the economical perspective of the private sector.

Abstract Youths and adolescents have for a long period of time, and at a high degree, beenabsent from the party political stage. The causes for this have been discussed inthis essay through a quantitative survey made in an upper secondary school class,consisting of some 19 subjects in the municipality of Kalmar. Tied together withrelevant literature and discourse on the subject, the essay has dealt with thepossible societal-, system- and individual barriers for political interest andinvolvement. Central questions for this essay has been for instance; age, gender,social background, geographical domicile, as well as the decline of ideology, theforms of current party politics, political interest, political engagement and soforth. The concluding remarks contain not only a mix of these barriers existing,not exclusively, for young and adolescents but different ground for them as well.On the one hand, there exist barriers which exclude youth from the conventionalpolitical life, but on the other, the more individualised youth of today, prefer to agreater extent not to participate under the conventional circumstances that partypolitics has to offer.

According to Edward Said the Orient is a European construction that has arisen out of a need to describe the Western civilisation as culturally superior. This occurrence Said gives the label "Orientalism". Art historian Linda Nochlin takes Said?s theories further in The Imaginary Orient where she conveys the thesis that the pictorial Orientalism is an expression of an imperialistic ideology. John M.

Denna studie undersöker vilka strategier fyra organisationer från den ideella sektorn använder sig av för att hantera sitt samarbete med staten. Studien tar sitt avstamp i Staffan Johanssons teori om hur påtvingar ideell sektorn ett homogeniseringstryck. Genom att undersöka olika egenskaper hos den ideella sektorn, såsom ideologi, ekonomiska förutsättningar och möjligheten att vara me och påverka undersöks hur organisationerna uppfattar sin roll i samarbetet. Studien visar att ideologin och de ekonomiska förutsättningarna spelar avgörande roll för hur organisationerna kan strukturera både sig själva som organisation liksom deras arbete. I relationen till staten framstår det som viktigt att resursberoendet inte är allt för ensidigt för att organisationerna skall kunna hålla på sin särart och styra sin organisation i en självvald riktning..