On the 17th of January 2002 the Swedish government presented a bill to theSwedish parliament, proposing ways of strengthening the Swedish democracythrough reforms for increased elements of participatory democracy. A publicreport on the state of the Swedish democracy had been released two years earlierwith similar enthusiasm for participatory democracy. However, the participatoryideals of these two documents were strongly criticised by a group of scholars.The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the arguments articulatedbetween the years 2000 and 2002 by the actors mentioned above, and to examinetheir relation to arguments concerning political participation, articulated bythinkers from previous times. By classifying the arguments into different groupsdepending on their content I find that both parties in the Swedish argumentationfocus on the effects of participatory democracy on political equality, on theefficiency of the political decision-making and the quality of the decisions beingmade, and finally on the personal character of the citizens. Among the argumentsarticulated by thinkers from previous times, similarities with the Swedishargumentation can be seen as well as important differences.

This is a study about the relation between the Swedish school and the political system of Sweden. I wanted to see if the relation had changed since the election of 2010 as it was in that election the Sweden Democrats got over five percent of the votes and took seat in the Swedish parliament. The thing that is unique about this election is that it was really the first time a right-wing party had been elected into the Swedish parliament. Many experts argue that this is the first xenophobic party that has been elected into the Swedish parliament. This led to a problem for schools and their principals and a difficult question to answer because xenophobia is contrary to the school?s core values and the school?s democratic mission.Should the school still be open for political parties? How do schools manage to distinguish between political information and political propaganda? If parties still are welcome into the schools, which parties should be allowed? The equality ombudsman has said in a report that the schools have to comply with the principle of objectivity, which stipulates that the public sector has to be unbiased.I have chosen to make use of a qualitative method because I think the study then gets a deeper understanding of the topic.

This paper is based on observations made in the classroom, interviews and studies ofliterature.The observations that I made during my practical training period made me believethat pupils with writing and reading problems succeeded more often with the methodsof teaching used in media education than with more traditional teaching methods.Through this study I hope to specify and define the factors that were the reasons for this. In doing so I wanted to show that you could adapt the teaching methods to reach more pupils with different kinds of learning styles.I have come to the conclusion that the following factors made the pupils with writing and reading problems succeed more often in subjects related to media education:Variety, time spent, the pupils? interests and the equipment used..

This study analyzes the political view of criminality and crime politics in three political parties in the Swedish parliament, Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet and Moderaterna. The study seeks to describe which kind of view these parties present on the criminality in our society. The material for this study is the ideologies that the parties descend from which are, socialism, liberalism and conservatism, the political programs of these three parties have also been studied as well as the parties proposals, political documents in the Swedish parliament. The current public debate shows that the crime politics is an attractive question and the parties may seem to have similar proposals on how to lower the criminality in our society. The theory that has been used to describe the results of the study is ?actors and structures? and the results are related to this theory as well as the theory has been used as an instrument to explain and sort the material and the results.The results of the study show that the parties are different in their views on criminality as a problem in our society.

Nerikes Allehanda publicerade år 2007 konstnären Lars Vilks teckning av profeten Muhammed som rondellhund. Publiceringen följdes av en debatt i media angående yttrandefrihet.Vårt syfte är att presentera klarhet i debatten och den metod vi har valt att använda är en beskrivande idéanalys. Vårt analysverktyg är fyra dimensioner där vi har kategoriserat tidningsartiklar efter åsiktsinriktning för att urskilja idéer som från början inte varit självklara.Då ständig diskussion om demokratiska värden är viktigt har vi även valt att fråga oss huruvida denna debatt har tillfört den svenska demokratin något värdefullt. För att besvara detta har vi utgått från Ulf Petäjäs forskning om yttrandefrihet.Vår undersökning visar att yttrandefrihet är ett värde som många verkar ta för givet, samt att det saknas kunskap om detta värde, vilket i sig inte är bra för demokratin. Avslutningsvis efterlyser vi mer forskning i ämnet, då denna okunskap kan bero på avsaknaden av detta..

The relationship between the government and organised interest in Sweden has changed. Formally considered as a good example of a corporatist state the country during the last 15 years or so experienced a more pluralistic system. This thesis is a qualitative study which discusses how interest groups seek to influence decision makers and policy thru lobbying and public opinion. It also examines how interest groups work with advertising and public relations in a changed climate of mass media. The main method of gathering material has been done thru interviews of representatives of different interest groups.The results of the study paint a picture where the interviewed organizations experience a vast competition in communication and information.

This thesis rests on the theory and methodology of discourse theory. By viewing social reality as constituted by discourses, meanings that are taken for granted can be challenged.The events of September 11th 2001 resulted in the American war on terror. This thesis explores the impact of 9/11 and the war on terror on the Russian image of the conflict in Chechnya.Discourse theory is applied to shed light on how the conflict over Chechnya is discursively constructed by the Russian state and media. The discourse is organized in three thematic sections: Identity, Enemy Images and Islam. Russia establishes itself as a member of the Western civilisation.

The Swedish and Icelandic women's movements, the Support Stockings and the Women's Alliance both had the goal to change their nation's women politics. The goal was to increase the low representation of women in their parliaments and to highlight women issues on the political agenda. The essay shows that the most important reason behind the will to form a party, was a new issue being disregarded by existing parties, although there is a considerable interest concerning the issue amongst society. While a party was formed on Iceland the Swedish equivalence did not occur. Even though only one party was formed, both movements achieved the same results.

This essay is how companies are using Facebook to appear. The two companies in this study, Fritz Olsson AB Kalix and Promentum AB shows how Like, share and comment-contest communicates via Facebook. The purpose of this essay is to examine how Facebook users attitude and perception is to Like, share and comment- contest.The thesis was conducted in two parts, first a qualitative interview with the two companies that stand as examples in the paper and a quantitative online survey. The online survey was sent out to the 256 Media and Communication students at Umea? University, who read or has read the program from 2010 to 2016, via Facebook.

AbstractWhy don't (some) regimes with formal democratic features undergo transition to democracy? Which are the internal dynamics of these regimes that can offer comprehension to this state of affairs? The main purpose of this thesis is to advance the above questions, and, on a lower level of abstraction, examine the case of Egypt. The Egyptian regime is characterized by, for instance, a multiparty-system, steps toward economic liberalization, and some level of persistent state opposition, and has been considered on the way to liberal democracy, but can still hardly be estimated as such.Thus, the thesis takes part in a theoretical framework on democratization, and further analyzes the case of Egypt on grounds of socioeconomic development, political culture, and class configuration. By this contextual approach, the thesis adduces that a low level of modernization, an incomplete democratic political culture, and a bourgeoisie supported by the state are impending significant factors. The thesis additionally remarks on the interconnection of the adopted theories, and discusses a potential need for new theoretical propositionsA secondary aim of the thesis also gives some insights into the concurrence of regime stability and the absence of democracy in, what often could be labelled, authoritarian regimes.

The purpose of this essay has been to study if all the districts in the city of Malmoe get to be seen in the city?s biggest newspaper, Sydsvenskan. Is the reporting proportional? What images is the newspaper offering the citizens? Do they match the reality? Or are some parts of Malmoe in the dark, in a media shadow?Research done in the past has shown that Stockholm in many ways is in a media shadow. The same pattern was shown in Gothenburg.

The more leadership you get, the more power you will receive. Unfortunately, not everyone is given the same opportunities. This can be seen and proved on the basis of studies in media companies. Our purpose concerns attitudes towards female leadership in Moscow, Russia. This thesis was based on two study methods, qualitative interviews and observations.

The purpose of this essay is to present, from a theoretical framwork about regional democracy, possible methods to handle the regional democratic problems in Östergötland in Sweden and to investigate the opinion of the political parties regarding this issue. Both the national and the local/regional level are investigated. The contents of the essay is based on literature studies and interviews of politicians in Östergötland. Regional democratic problems that is discussed are the political responsibility and the power distribution between the political actors on the regional level. A solution of the problem could be to organize the regional society structure in accordance with one of the following organization models"Statligt regionalt ansvar","Kommuner i samverkan"or"Regionalt folkstyre".

This paper is based on a quantitative survey. The study aims to answer the questionwhich media young people rather use to take part of the news. The results showthat young people today in Kalmar preferably and often read newspapers on theInternet and mobile phone.The questions asked was about which media they usually use, the level ofconfidence they had in various media, how interest was in different newscategories, willingness to pay for online news and background issues relatedsubjects. The survey was aimed at high school students in Kalmar and weredistributed and collected on-site at the schools. What was remarkable among theresponses was that young people largely had access to a morning newspaper athome and said that they would consider subscribing to one in the future.

We aim to develop knowledge of how new technology, in this case social media, can contribute to how sports fans interact with their idols. Therefore our framing of a question is to present how fans experience their contact with mixed martial arts (MMA) & ultimate fighting championship (UFC) through social media platforms. To specify our study, we also have a supplement question with in which way sports fans uses social media.We have chosen to conduct a qualitative study consisting of interviews and data observations of websites, related to the organization UFC, to approach our main question. We have interviewed nine randomly selected people with one common interest - MMA/UFC. With an implant of theories, consisting of social media, fandom and lurking, on the result of the interview and website data, we try to come closer to a conclusion for our intention with this thesis.Our conclusion is that the interviewed fans express that through the usage of social media, they feel like they have come closer to UFC.