The goal of this paper is to analyze the influence of the EU on Turkish democracy. In order to achieve this aim, the paper concentrates on three areas, as representative institutions, opposition parties and freedom of expression. The impact of the EU on Turkey has been more explicit during the last decades. In particular since 1999 when the country became a candidate for membership, and that will eventually lead to Turkey joining the European Union. Thereby this paper will examine the demands EU set up for the country and how Turkey accomplishes these criteria.

AbstractThe recruiting of lay judges to the district courts is managed by the political parties. Despite repeated efforts the parties do not succeed in recruiting lay judges that reflect the structure of the inhabitants. Why not? This is the fundamental issue of this essay.This study is a multiple case study of two parties with different success in their recruiting work. The purpose is to study the process of nomination regarding lay judges at the district courts, at the latest election (2006).

AbstractThe purpose of this study is to illustrate Serbia?s democratic development on the basis of consolidate democratic perspective. Linz & Stepan´s five arenas (political, civil, economic, legal and bureaucratic) are required for the possibility to become a consolidate democracy. In order to fulfil the aim, I have chosen to focus on the political and civil arenas that are most central in the study of consolidate democracy.The purpose of this study is to process how far Serbia has come towards a consolidate democracy and which obstacles still remain in the transition.The questions in this study are:? What problems has Serbia faced since the democratic transition in the beginning of 1990?? What possibilities are there for Serbia to consolidate the democracy, with focus on the two key arenas of consolidation?By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the approach of the EU towards the reform efforts of Turkey and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the countries ambitions for EU memberships. The question formulation of the essay is whether there is differences in Turkey?s and Bosnia and Herzegovina?s qualifications for an EU-membership from an EU perspective. In order to better answer the question, we use two part questions. One is about the criterias and qualifications that need to be met in order to get a membership.

This thesis intends to analyse conditions for a successful implementation of consociational democracy, as a democratic model in Afghanistan. The lack of critical reviews regarding the democratisation-process in Afghanistan initiated the purpose of this study.Lijpharts democracy model was used as the basis in the comparative study. Along with empirical evidence regarding how the complex process of democracy in Afghanistan is progressing, the study investigated whether the identified conditions occurred or not.The choice of which democracy model to use can be crucial for the democratic possibilities to even survive and become established in conflict-affected communities. The principle of consociational democracy is that it is an empirically based normative model that aims to organise the state in a way that works against the risks of majority domination and oppression against the minority.The empirical case study revealed that a majority of the conditions were not met, which then can counteract the possibilities for consociational democracy in Afghanistan. The study has critically examined the prospects for the success of consociational democracy in Afghanistan, and it can be assessed that there is a limited probability for a successful applying of this model..

The purpose of this paper is to study the subject Islam and Democracy and see whatcommonalities exist between the two ideas and traditions of thoughts. The subject is topicaland often highlighted by the media in the West. The Islamic voices that we hear today iscertainly not democratic, given the violence and hatred carried out by Islamic extremistsagainst the West. The investigation of this paper have shown a different direction when thereare other voices such as those investigated reformist thinkers who argue that Islam has manydemocratic elements, and even that Islam is more suitable than democracy. According to thereformists ismodel of an Islamic state is democratic and legitimate.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine how genealogists create identity through their own research, and how they live with their ancestors in the everyday life. The questions at issue are: How do genealogists deal with concepts like ?native home district?, ?heritage? and ?family?. Does it exist a problem in creating identity and how genealogists regard other people with a different background, for instance immigrants. This thesis consists of three parts: in the first I present my aim, questions at issue, my method with qualitative interviews, and my theoretical frame from sociology and anthropology.

Syftet med det här arbetet är att undersöka hur gymnasielever resonerar kring sina upplevelser av elevdemokrati och hur de tror att närvaron av elevdemokrati kan ha påverkat relationen mellan lärare och elev och hur det kan ha påverkat eleverna som framtida vuxna. Metoden som användes var fyra fokusgruppsintervjuer med totalt 17 informanter i åldrarna 15-19. De starkaste vanliga upplevelserna av elevdemokrati som eleverna beskrev var att inte bli tagen på allvar, upplevelser av skendemokrati och vikten av att få veta att man kan påverka sin skolsituation. Informanterna upplevde att förhållandet mellan lärare och elev blev bättre med elevdemokrati. Detta ledde till att eleverna kände sig trygga och tagna på allvar. De tror också att upplevelser av demokrati skolan kan ge dem ökat ansvarstagande och självförtroende som de kommer att ha nytta av i sina vuxna liv. Dessutom ansåg de att en tidig upplevelse av elevdemokrati kunde få dem att bli mer engagerade i samhällsfrågor senare i livet.

This study aims to analyze four gymnasium teachers? opinion on the values within the Swedish school system today, as well as the presence of conflicting values and goals in their role as a street level bureaucrat. A comparative aspect concerning private and state regulated schools was implemented into the study in order to compare one school system to the other. This was achieved by using semi-structured interviews with the aim to register the teachers? opinions on these matters.The study showed that the teachers perceive a high amount of discretion within their role as a street level bureaucrat concerning the educational aspect of their work.

Mikrostater har ofta hamnat utanför de statsvetenskapliga forskarnasundersökande lins trots att staterna med under en miljon innevånare ärframgångsrika såväl demokratiskt som ekonomiskt. Uppsatsen utreder genomlitteraturgenomgång sambandet mellan storlek, demokrati och ekonomi och visarpå de fördelar och nackdelar de små staterna har i en globaliserad värld. Vidareargumenterar uppsatsen för att de problem, främst ekonomisk sårbarhet, säkerhetoch miljö, som små suveräna stater möter i det internationella systemet eventuelltkan stävjas genom regionala samarbeten. Om dessa utformas på ett sådant sätt attriskerna med liten storlek minskas kan världens minsta stater komma att bli ännuframgångsrikare då de kombinerar sina separata storleksfördelar med engemensam stark röst utåt och samordnande politik inåt..

The aim with my work is to get a deeper knowledge about the preschool's views of environmental work. I also want to examine how the preschool teachers along with the children work with the project Green Flag in the preschool. I have used structured interview with two teachers in a preschool that works with Green Flag. Green Flag is an environment certification and is an evidence on that one works daily with a document aimed environmental work along with the children. I have found out that each year they work with different themes within Green Flag.

Denna uppsats har syftet att belysa och analysera processer av ansvarsutkrävande inom svensk förvaltning. Utbildningssektorn är den del av förvaltningen som studeras då skolan är en unik institution i dagens samhälle och en förutsättning för en levande demokrati. Skolan har genomgått reformer som kommit att påverka dess organisering och möjlighet att utkräva ansvar.Ansvarsutkrävandet belyses genom hela ansvarskedjan från nationell nivå till den enskilda skolan. Arbetet har formen av en kvalitativ analys. På kommunal nivå genomförs en fallstudie av Malmö kommun.

Denna studie syftar till att beskriva och förklara tänkbara konsekvenser som ett införande av EU:s mervärdesskattedirektiv kan medföra för Sveriges ideella föreningar och dess roll som en grundbult för en fungerande svensk demokrati. Studien ämnar undersöka eventuella ekonomiska, administrativa och demokratiska konsekvenser. Det teoretiska ramverket utgörs av teorier om föreningslivets roll som demokratiskola och skapande av socialt kapital. Studien utgörs sedermera av en jämförande fallstudie av föreningarna, Alets IK, IS Halmia och Halmstads BK. Undersökningens material bygger mestadels på samtalsintervjuer och utredningar som gjorts inom ämnet.Resultatet visar att konsekvenserna är av varierande karaktär för de valda föreningarna.

Ryssland är en av världens största olje- och gasproducenter. Detta tillsammans med landets bristande demokrati utgör ett hett debattämne i dagens energikonsumerande samhälle. I uppsatsen analyseras den ryska energipolitiken ur ett nationellt såväl som internationellt perspektiv. Den politiska och ekonomiska dimensionen utreds men uppsatsen går också djupare in på olika gruppers identiteter och hur deras intressen styr politikens utformning. Resultatet pekar mot att den syn som det ryska folket och ledarna har på sig själv spelar en stor roll.

The subject of this study has been organizational change within two Scandinavian green parties ? the Swedish Green Party and the Norwegian Green Party. Looking at the organizational changes within these two parties using Robert Michel?s famous concept the ?iron law of oligarchy?, I have studied whether these two parties have become more oligarchic after having been elected to the national parliaments of Sweden and Norway respectively. What I have found is that although these two parties still retain much of the original organizational structure that they have had, in particular the Swedish Green Party, change has occurred and seems to be occurring, at least in the Norwegian Green Party, which would indicate that the two parties have become more oligarchic.