In this survey the author discusses teachers interpretation of documents formulated bythe government. The text in focus is the beginning of the curriculum where the basicvalues for the Swedish school system are to be found. Since there are great difficultiesknowing what the politicians mean, this survey tries to discuss different words likesecularism, confessional, non-confessional, and what they mean. This might seemobvious at first but it is relevant when you discuss religion and it´s roll in liberaldemocracies. This survey also tries to show how different interpretation of the textwould lead to different practice because of the lack of an actual consensus.

The aim of this Master?s thesis is to describe and compare the debates regarding the public funded publishing company En bok för alla (EBFA). On two occasions, 1992 and 2007, the public funding was threatened, which lead to debates and protests. The funding was revoked in 2007. I want to examine if by studying a particular product of cultural policy, one can se tendencies to how the cultural policy in whole change over time.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate how the temperance movement IOGT in Karlstadcampaigned for people to vote for a referendum on alcohol in 1922 and how it has been tackled bythe local press. To answer the purpose a qualitative text interpretation has been used from IOGT'smeetings protocols and the local press used are the two largest newspapers in Karlstad during thisperiod of time, Karlstads-Tidningen and Nya Wermlands-Tidningen. The type of examinationperformed is called interpretive case study where it has been used a theoretical basis. Thetheoretical point is Habermas Bourgeois publicity also been used by Lars Båtefalk in his thesisStaten, samhället och superiet. Can the temperance movement be said to take part of the publicsphere?The results show that IOGT during this period have grown large enough to be a part of the publicwhich Båtefalk mean was not the case around 1900.

Education systems face a number of challenges regarding social justice, diversity, difference, and inclusion and membership for all students in the groups that schools create. This invokes questions of how well these challenges are met in curricula and teaching materials. Through discourse analysis of eight Swedish geographical textbooks, this essay aims to seek out the perspectives surrounding difference within the subject of geography. It concludes that the idea of fixed homogenous cultures as meaningfull in differentiating among people dominates throughout the latter half of the 20th century and during the last decade. In addition, it concludes that the discourse surrounding diversity in Swedish geographical teaching materials mainly has a binary liberal view of plurality focused around tolerance.

Aim:The study's aim is to examine whether and to what extent elementary school pupils aged 13 and 16 report that they ever have been forced to leave home by parents, have run away from home voluntarily or have seriously considered doing so. The aim is also to illuminate which circumstances contribute to these break-ups. Method: A quantitative approach is used; a survey material consisting of 1193 questionnaires is analysed. The data material has been used in earlier studies but the issue addressed here has not been studied earlier. The circumstances analysed are gender, ethnicity, the parents? religious belief and education, living conditions (sharing home with both parents, one of them or none), contacts with professionals (psychologist, school nurse or curator), physical and mental wellbeing, way of upbringing (liberal vs authoritarian) and communication with parents.

I denna uppsats analyseras debatten kring Turkiets ansökan om medlemskap i EU. Argument för och emot Turkiets medlemskap analyseras utifrån tre kategorier: pragmatiska, värdegrundsorienterade och moraliska argument. Dessa kategorier hänförs till olika idealtyper. Idealtyperna kopplas i sin tur till en övergripande inställning till EU.Analysen av debatten bringar i första hand klarhet i argumentationen i det specifika studerade fallet. Genom att relatera argumenten till idealtyper, som utgår från grundläggande inställningar avseende EU:s identitet, tillförs också en generaliserande ambition.Den största delen av argumentationen har upptagits av pragmatiska argument.

Education systems face a number of challenges regarding social justice, diversity, difference, and inclusion and membership for all students in the groups that schools create. This invokes questions of how well these challenges are met in curricula and teaching materials. Through discourse analysis of eight Swedish geographical textbooks, this essay aims to seek out the perspectives surrounding difference within the subject of geography. It concludes that the idea of fixed homogenous cultures as meaningfull in differentiating among people dominates throughout the latter half of the 20th century and during the last decade. In addition, it concludes that the discourse surrounding diversity in Swedish geographical teaching materials mainly has a binary liberal view of plurality focused around tolerance.

This essay analyse the relationships between scientific paradigms and different logics of power in the field of psychiatry, primarily in the fields of attention disorders of children and schizophrenia. In these two fields of psychiatric research and treatment, there exist two scientific paradigms, a biological/neuropsychiatric and a socialpsychological, working from different standpoints regarding questions of ontology, epistemology and theories of value. Drawing from Thomas Kuhns paradigmatic theory of science, and Michel Foucaults concept of power, this essay proposes that different paradigmatic standpoints gives rise to different logics of power. Relying on the concept of power/knowledge and different paradigmatic standpoints, the essay states that the biological/neuropsychiatric paradigm produces a biological individualising logic of power that fixes the individual to his/hers biological condition. This in contrast to the socialpsychological paradigm, which on the basis of its paradigmatic standpoints produces a social-group related logic of power.

This paper examines the power producing dams along the Ume-river as an integral part of and a result from the urbanization process in Sweden during industrial capitalism. The aim of the paper is to contribute to the knowledge of the urbanization process in Sweden in general and of its traces along the Ume river in the county of Västerbotten in particular. The paper applies the theory of concentrated urbanization and extended urbanization put forward by Neil Brenner and Christian Schmid (2015) and argues that the building of power producing dams along the Ume-river is part of an extended urbanization process. This becomes particularly evident when examining the vast physical structures that is the dams, situated in an otherwise remote and sparsely populated area. These vast physical structures are also very well connected to a nation wide electric grid that has connections to bordering countries as well.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att med diskursanalys undersöka hur det dalgliga talet om invandrare ser ut på diskussionsforumet Passagen.se underkategorin svenska samhället. Dessutom vill vi ta reda på hur invandrare konstrueras som problem och hur det är legitimt att tala om invandrare på forumet.Tidigare forskning inom ämnet har gjorts med diskursanalys på talet om invandrare i media, intervjuer och dagligt tal, men främst i andra länder och inte på internet. Vid diskursanalys går teori och metod hand i hand, vilket innebär att de begrepp som vi presenterar i teorin använder vi till stor del i analysmetoden. I analysen fann vi en mängd diskurser i talet om invandrare, vilket resulterade i en dominerande kritisk inställning och en underrepresenterad liberal inställning till invandrare. Invandrare konstrueras som problem genom att ?de? begår brott, luras, hotar vår kultur, konspirerar mot oss, är kostsamma och på det hela taget är alltför många.

AbstractWhy don't (some) regimes with formal democratic features undergo transition to democracy? Which are the internal dynamics of these regimes that can offer comprehension to this state of affairs? The main purpose of this thesis is to advance the above questions, and, on a lower level of abstraction, examine the case of Egypt. The Egyptian regime is characterized by, for instance, a multiparty-system, steps toward economic liberalization, and some level of persistent state opposition, and has been considered on the way to liberal democracy, but can still hardly be estimated as such.Thus, the thesis takes part in a theoretical framework on democratization, and further analyzes the case of Egypt on grounds of socioeconomic development, political culture, and class configuration. By this contextual approach, the thesis adduces that a low level of modernization, an incomplete democratic political culture, and a bourgeoisie supported by the state are impending significant factors. The thesis additionally remarks on the interconnection of the adopted theories, and discusses a potential need for new theoretical propositionsA secondary aim of the thesis also gives some insights into the concurrence of regime stability and the absence of democracy in, what often could be labelled, authoritarian regimes.

The purpose of this essay is to present, from a theoretical framwork about regional democracy, possible methods to handle the regional democratic problems in Östergötland in Sweden and to investigate the opinion of the political parties regarding this issue. Both the national and the local/regional level are investigated. The contents of the essay is based on literature studies and interviews of politicians in Östergötland. Regional democratic problems that is discussed are the political responsibility and the power distribution between the political actors on the regional level. A solution of the problem could be to organize the regional society structure in accordance with one of the following organization models"Statligt regionalt ansvar","Kommuner i samverkan"or"Regionalt folkstyre".

Local politicians are key actors in the democratic system and their ideas concerning democracy plays a central role in local democratic politics. The study's point of departure is the notion that local politicians are dependent of coherence between practice and theory concerning democracy and in the study of their ideas we acquire knowledge about the democratic practice.This study examines the local politicians? view of Swedish democracy and explores the logic of the discourse that makes statements concerning democracy possible. Twenty local politicians have been interviewed and from the material a discourse have been established through the use of formulation of problems and cause, nodal points and chains of analogy which is compared with democratic ideals.The study comes to the conclusion that a hegemonic discourse exists, in which central nodal points are representative and listening. The idea of the representative system is hegemonic and is based in the liberal democratic ideal although the view of the citizens rather can be traced to the radical, communitarian and deliberative ideal.

The purpose of this article is to explore the technologies of government that are created within gender disorder assessments as an institution. I have done so by utilizing Norman Faircloughs discourse analysing instrument ?communicative action?, which focus on the social institution as relational.The material is strategically chosen by gathering texts from the Swedish state, the psychiatric clinics, NGO:s and by performing interviews with transsexual patients.When analysing the communication of the main agents, I have concluded that practices highly are a result of repeating text and speech inside the institution. The psychiatric assessments can also be seen as an illustration in changes in how citizens are governed in advanced liberal societies, where the role of the state has been gradually reduced in favour of other agents.I consider that the change illustrates an ?acting at a distance?-mentality where the patient is introduced to participate in the definition of the care in what I call ?negotiation as a technology?.

Many political reforms are currently implemented in the Swedish schools. The trend indicate that education in Sweden follows neo-liberal restructuring policy, that highlights assessment, marketization and surveillance in different aspects. According to the new curriculum LGR 11 the school head is the school's educational leader with responsibility for the school's results and development. The reforms put new demands on the school heads tasks, their responsibility and leadership. The aim of my research study is to investigate how the school heads experience andhandle this situation.